Austin: University of Texas Press, Austin, Institute of Latin American Studies
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
330 p, Based on a decade the author spent among the African-Caribbean "Creole" people on Nicaragua's southern Caribbean coast, Disparate Diasporas is a study of identity formation and politics in that community. Shows how a particular Black community can evolve distinct types of diasporic consciousness, and, depending on the historical moment, how different types of memories, consciousness, and politics come to predominate. Focusing on the period of the 1970s and 1980s, explains the inability of the Sandinistas to come to terms with the racial and cultural challenge to the Nicaraguan nation posed by the Creole community.
The article discusses the history of Santo Domingo (which was renamed the Dominican Republic) under the French General Jean-Louis Ferrand from 1804 through 1809. Particular focus is given to Ferrand's efforts, under the direction of the French Emperor Napoleon I, to re-enslave Santo Domingo and overthrow Haiti's ruler Toussaint Louverture. An overview of the slavery laws in Santo Domingo is provided. Ferrand's use of black Haitian captives as slaves, including the Haitians captured by the French who lived near the border with Santo Domingo, is provided.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
238 p., Study of the relations between Haiti and black America from the colonial period to the present, the author shows how historical ties between these two communities of the African diaspora have affected their respective histories, cultures and community lives. R
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
251 p, Taylor uses the works of Frantz Fanon to examine the expressive culture of the Afro-Caribbean. Focuses on the narrative of the colonized people and makes a distinction between mythic narrative and the narrative of liberation. (JSTOR)
In 1795, Father Jose Agustin Caballero presented the first project for the creation of a system of public education for all the inhabitants of the island of Cuba. It was a visionary idea, but impossible to carry out at that time. The island was a colonial possession of the Spanish Crown, and most of the population was subjected to slavery or made up of Mestizos and freed blacks, the victims of segregation and racial discrimination.
An excerpt from by Winston James' book Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (London: Verso, 1998) is presented
Special Issue: CUBA., Describes Cuba's past and future as the only Marxist-Leninist socialist nation in the Western Hemisphere; cultural, political, and social perspectives. Topics include effects on Cuba of the demise of the Soviet empire
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
294 p, Discusses key individuals (George Padmore, Eric Williams, C.L.R.James among others) and organizations (particularly Labor and liberation movements)in the Anglophone Caribbean world from the perspective of contemporary political and economic Caribbean realities. Particular attention is paid to the Pan-African Movement and its linking of Black Africa and the diasporic Black world of the British West Indies. Colonial Office policies of the period are discussed along with attempts by local and international economic interests during and after both World Wars to control events and thwart labor and independence movements. African American influence in popular political culture and its political and social effect on organizations in the islands is discussed along with key African American newspapers such as The Crisis, Chicago Defender, The Negro Worker, and the Baltimore Afro-American.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
294 p., Documents the lives and work of black individuals and organizations in the West Indies from 1900 to 1989, centered on the worlds of labor and black journalism. The French Caribbean is not covered here. Focuses on historical information as well as information on relationships between the two main "servant" minorities of the British Empire: Caribbeans originally from Africa and from India/Pakistan.
West,Michael O. (Editor), Martin,William G. (Editor), and Wilkins,Fanon Che (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2009
Published:
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
318 p., Focuses on three moments in global black history: the American and Haitian revolutions, the Garvey movement and the Communist International following World War I, and the Black Power movement of the late twentieth century.
State Rep. Marie St. Fleur, lauded by Haitians across the U.S. for her pioneering role as the nation's first Haitian-American lawmaker, gained further strides in the Massachusetts Legislature in 2003. A key lieutenant to powerful House Speaker Tom Finneran, St. Fleur was once again elevated to a leadership position, this time as chairwoman of the Legislature's Committee on Education.
Discusses the impact of the presidential campaign of Barack Obama in the U.S. in 2008 examining Obama's black ancestry as well as his self-representation, which generates uncertainty about the meaning of blackness in American life. Looks into some studies examining the social status of African-Americans in the country, including their educational and employment opportunities. Moreover, addresses the social condition of Latin American and Asian American immigrants
Discusses the emergence of Afro-Hispanic literature over the past 25 years. Details the many social and political factors that have influenced the literary movement. Argues that the emergence of Afro-Hispanic literature is timely in its challenging of traditional views of what is admissible into the literary canon.;
Chicago: University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Journal Title Details:
p. 239 leaves
Notes:
239 p., "Despite the popular adage that blacks do not vote for blacks, using original survey data, I find that Afro-Brazilians in Salvador and São Paulo who identify as black (preto or negro ) vote for black politicians more than Afro-Brazilians who claim lighter colors. This is a significant finding because it means that Afro-Brazilians do not choose identities idly. Rather, identifying as black is a form of black consciousness." --The Author
"A broad sector of Haitian grassroots organizations, women's groups, human rights activists and educators have made it clear that now is the time to end president [Aristide]'s forced exile in South Africa," said the letter, paid for by Haiti Action Committee. The letter accuses the Haitian government, the United States, France, Canada and the United Nations forces in Haiti of blocking Aristide's return. It said the Haitian government had not responded to Aristide's request for a passport and that U.S and U.N. officials had issued public statements opposing Aristide's return. The other: "We do not doubt President Aristide's desire to help the people of Haiti. But today Haiti needs to focus on its future, not its past."
Although wide sectors of the Haitian population continue to doubt that the general elections will take place on the announced dates, in a matter of just a few weeks, the Provisional Electoral Council (French acronym CEP), even facing a blatant lack of preparation, is determined to arouse the citizens' enthusiasm for the upcoming ballot. Having remained on the sidelines for a long time, because they doubted the will of the former to set in motion a flawless process, the political parties rushed to get in line, cramming themselves into the building complex of the electoral body, as if they were in a real race against the clock. This stage having been finally crossed, the hour of truth has inevitably come for the CEP. It is almost incredible that we have arrived at this juncture, indeed, after all the procrastination, the bungling and the stumbling, as well as the tug-of-war which was going on freely within the Provisional Electoral Council. After this long journey, the efforts undertaken and the large sums of money invested, both by the international community and by the temporary government, in order to start the process, and accompany it up to this last phase, to allow the CEP to falter would amount to treacherousness, even to treason, which certainly would discredit the members of the electoral body both individually and collectively.
In spite of an acceleration of the registration process of the voters recorded recently, the 2.4 million registered voters, from a number of approximately 4.2 million citizens of voting age, continues to show a lack of enthusiasm. Such concerns are evident, in certain cases, by the absence of Voter Registration Bureaus (VRB) in hundreds of communal sections; or by the controversial creation of Communal Electoral Bureaus (CEB) and Departmental Electoral Bureaus (DEB). In addition, the dysfunction of the CEB and the DEB triggered protests from numerous candidates. It's also worth noting the installation of Candidates Registration Bureaus (CRB), on September 11th, which should have been functional since September 5th. Keeping in mind that the registration of candidates comes to an end September 15th, it's worth wondering what conjuring the CEP will do in order to achieve the registration of about 7, 733 posts to be provided for every party, on a total of 45 approved parties.
The Haitian-American Association for Political Action (HAAPA,) headquartered in Brooklyn, N.Y., officially endorsed Ms. [Tamara Grandoit] for the New York City Councilmanic district number 46. After reviewing her platform including a question and answer session, HAAPA members decided to endorse her and contributed a total of $1,100 to Ms. Grandoit's campaign. If successful, Ms. Tamara Grandoit will be the first candidate of Haitian ancestry to be elected to the New York City Council. This feat is long overdue, given the significant number of Haitian-Americans living in New York City, and particularly in the Brooklyn area.
Within the framework of the vast campaign led collectively by the former Haitian president, from his exile in South Africa, his partisans and sympathizers as well as personalities and bribed organizations, in Haiti and abroad, to defeat the election process, is the stepped up strategy to have Mr. Neptune released. This strategy is entirely consistent with the logic according to which Lavalas would have no luck in imposing itself on the political scene if the next ballot were to be organized in a context where the high dignitaries of the former regime are called upon to answer charges before the courts. Obviously, the eventual indictment of Yvon Neptune, the highest Lavalas official involved in the crime of the La Scierie massacre, will without doubt also implicate Mr. [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] himself. The lawsuit, which would possibly be determined by the committing magistrate of Saint Marc, the jurisdiction which has the responsibility for handling the case, will put the whole Lavalas regime on the stand. Thus the doggedness to resort to obtain the "unconditional" release of the exPrime Minister by all means possible.
-, Do they know that the "democratically elected" president they are defending didn't abide by the rules of democracy? Do they know that he condoned violence and assassination, including that of journalists? Do they know that kidnapping for ransom were ordered by the chief to fill up his coffers? Do they know that Haiti became a haven for drug dealers under the watch of their "democratically elected" friend? It won't be long before the truth comes out concerning the crimes that have been committed in the name or at the command of [Jean-Bertrand Aristide]. The defenders of the "humble priest of the shanty-towns" will have much explaining to do about the new multimillionaire status of their man. Anyway one cuts it, it's a major scandal of corruption and embezzlement for a president whose monthly salary was $10,000.
Congressman Gregory Meeks who represents the Sixth Congressional District of South East Queens, home to a large Haitian migrant population, also expressed his concern about [Jean-Bertrand Aristide]'s removal from office and the role the United States, might have had in the affair. "I'm one who thinks that Aristide had some problems in the country. However, I believe in the institution of democracy and that we needed both sides to sit down pursuant to the CARICOM agreement," he told the Gleaner. Other members of the delegation who called on Secretary General [Kofi Annan] were Congresswoman Barbara Lee of California; Kendrick Meek from Florida; Donald Payne - New Jersey; Major Owen - New York; John Conyers - Michigan and actor and human rights activist, Danny Glover.
The CIA created a covert operation called JM WAVE which was based in South Miami. It's mission was to assassinate [Fidel Castro] and repatriate this area's Cubans back to their land. This undertaking had over 15,000 exiles on it's bankroll and had a budget of over $50 million dollars, which is worth over $350 million dollars in today's market.
Rep. St. Fleur and the panelists also called for a change in the Bush administration's policy denying safe harbor to Haitians fleeing Haiti for the shores of Florida by boat. In a strong show of support for St. Fleur's resolutions, representatives of presidential hopeful [John Kerry] circulated a statement from the candidate supporting the presence of a multinational police force in Haiti including police from the United States, OAS and CARICOM. The statement also called for U.S. funded training and support for Haiti's police force, the lifting current sanctions on aid to Haitians for health and education programs, and renewed pressure on international financial institutions to assist the Haitian government in confronting these issues. Kerry's statement went on to state, "If we hope to lead the nations of the world toward a more democratic future, we must act now to protect a fragile democracy in our own backyard."
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
365 p, Discussion of the experience of blackness and cultural difference, black political mobilization, and state responses to Afro-Latin activism throughout Latin America. Its thematic organization and holistic approach set it apart as the most comprehensive and up-to-date survey of these populations and the issues they face currently available.
In the current crisis, the voice of Black America has been inconsistent or hushed. While the Congressional Black Caucus has been outspoken in challenging the [Bush] administration on its entire attitude toward Haiti, there has not been a widespread outcry in our communities. Our voices need to be heard insisting that, one, U.S. and French troops be immediately withdrawn and replaced by soldiers from neutral countries, that is, countries that were not involved in destabilizing the [Aristide] presidency; two, the thugs of the armed opposition need to be immediately disarmed and the convicted criminals among them must be imprisoned; and three, The Caribbean Community or CARICOM should be used as a vehicle to move a national reconciliation program that ultimately results in free and fair elections.
Foote,Nicola (Author) and Horst,René Harder (Author)
Format:
Book, Whole
Publication Date:
2012
Published:
Gainesville: University Press of Florida
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
350 p, Introduction: Decentering war : military struggle, nationalism, and Black and indigenous populations in Latin America, 1850-1950 / Nicola Foote and René D. Harder Horst -- pt. 1. Soldiering and citizenship. Subaltern strategies of citizenship and soldiering in Colombia's civil wars : Afro- and indigenous Colombians' experiences in the Cauca, 1851-1877 / James E. Sanders -- Soldiers and statesmen : race, liberalism, and the paradoxes of Afro-Nicaraguan military service, 1844-1863 / Justin Wolfe -- Afro-Cubans in Cuba's War for Independence, 1895-1898 / Aline Helg -- Monteneros and macheteros : Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous experiences of military struggle in liberal Ecuador, 1895-1930 / Nicola Foote -- Race and ethnicity in the Guatemalan army, 1914 / Richard N. Adams -- Mayan soldier-citizens : ethnic pride in the Guatemalan military, 1925-1945 / David Carey, Jr. -- pt. 2. War and the racing of national boundaries and imaginaries. Indigenous peoples of Brazil and the War of the Triple Alliance, 1864-1870 / Maria de Fátima Costa -- Illustrating race and nation in the Paraguayan War era : exploring the decline of the Tupi Guarani warrior as the embodiment of Brazil / Peter M. Beattie -- The conquest of the desert and the free indigenous communities of the Argentine plains / Carlos Martínez Sarasola -- "The slayer of Victorio bears his honors quietly" : Tarahumaras and the Apache wars in nineteenth-century Mexico / Julia O'Hara -- Embattled identities in postcolonial Chile : race, region, and nation during the War of the Pacific, 1879-1884 / Joanna Crow -- Racial conflict and identity crisis in wartime Peru : revisiting the Cañete Massacre of 1881 / Vincent C. Peloso -- Crossfire, cactus, and racial constructions : the Chaco War and indigenous people in Paraguay / René D. Harder Horst.; Time: 1800 - 1999
Foote,Nicola (Author) and Horst,René Harder (Author)
Format:
Book, Whole
Publication Date:
2010
Published:
Gainesville: University Press of Florida
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
350 p, Introduction: Decentering war : military struggle, nationalism, and Black and indigenous populations in Latin America, 1850-1950 / Nicola Foote and René D. Harder Horst -- pt. 1. Soldiering and citizenship. Subaltern strategies of citizenship and soldiering in Colombia's civil wars : Afro- and indigenous Colombians' experiences in the Cauca, 1851-1877 / James E. Sanders -- Soldiers and statesmen : race, liberalism, and the paradoxes of Afro-Nicaraguan military service, 1844-1863 / Justin Wolfe -- Afro-Cubans in Cuba's War for Independence, 1895-1898 / Aline Helg -- Monteneros and macheteros : Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous experiences of military struggle in liberal Ecuador, 1895-1930 / Nicola Foote -- Race and ethnicity in the Guatemalan army, 1914 / Richard N. Adams -- Mayan soldier-citizens : ethnic pride in the Guatemalan military, 1925-1945 / David Carey, Jr. -- pt. 2. War and the racing of national boundaries and imaginaries. Indigenous peoples of Brazil and the War of the Triple Alliance, 1864-1870 / Maria de Fátima Costa -- Illustrating race and nation in the Paraguayan War era : exploring the decline of the Tupi Guarani warrior as the embodiment of Brazil / Peter M. Beattie -- The conquest of the desert and the free indigenous communities of the Argentine plains / Carlos Martínez Sarasola -- "The slayer of Victorio bears his honors quietly" : Tarahumaras and the Apache wars in nineteenth-century Mexico / Julia O'Hara -- Embattled identities in postcolonial Chile : race, region, and nation during the War of the Pacific, 1879-1884 / Joanna Crow -- Racial conflict and identity crisis in wartime Peru : revisiting the Cañete Massacre of 1881 / Vincent C. Peloso -- Crossfire, cactus, and racial constructions : the Chaco War and indigenous people in Paraguay / René D. Harder Horst.; Time: 1800 - 1999
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
396 p., In 1804 French Saint-Domingue became the independent nation of Haiti after the only successful slave uprising in world history. Before Haiti explains the origins of this free colored class, exposes the ways its members both supported and challenged slavery, and examines how they created their own New World identity from 1760 to 1804.
"Haiti's New Bad Boy President," "Carnival King is New Leader of Haiti" are just two of the headlines in local and national news. Many Haitians here in the U.S. feel that the newspapers are making a spectacle of the election of Michael "Sweet Mickey" [Michael Martelly] to the highest political office in Haiti, the Presidency. Martelly beat his opponent Lady Mirlande Manigat, 67.57 percent to 31.74 percent but in accordance with the electoral process complaints can be filed up until April 16 when the votes will be closed. His flamboyant attire and sometimes raucous performances endeared him to some but distanced him from others. At first, his notoriety as an entertainer made it almost impossible for him to be accepted into a party to declare his political aspirations and to be thought of as a viable candidate.
Jean Lans, a Haitian American who resides in the area, said that it's all very strange to him, as it is to many Haitians. "Haiti requested [Jean-Claude Duvalier]'s extradition from France some time ago but they denied that request," stated Lans. "The French Ambassador to Haiti, Didier Le Bret, was very vocal in talking with the media about the results of the recent election. It is very strange that the Ambassador would speak out long before the government is behind his returning to Haiti." M.P. said that Preval is corrupted and [Jean Bertrand Aristide], who was supposed to be a priest, was corrupt also. Neither one of them has done much for the country except pocketing the money and taking care of their own. "They have taken food out of their own people's mouths," stated M.P. passionately. "With this election, Preval wants his sonin-law to become the new President but the people want "Sweet Mickey" Michael Martelly. They would burn Haiti before allowing someone else to be President." She said it would not be such a bad thing if Duvalier regains power. "Twenty-five years after his exile and where are wre now? When he was in control, they gave him the name 'Dictator' but he was what the country needed."
Martin,Tony (Author) and Emancipation Support Committee (Author)
Format:
Pamphlet
Publication Date:
1998
Published:
Dover, MA: Majority Press
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
A lecture launching the 1997 commemoration of Emancipation delivered for the Emancipation Support Committee at Spektakula Forum, Port of Spain, on June 22, 1997., 28 p.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
250 p, Drawing from a wide spectrum of disciplines, the essays in this collection examine in different national contexts the consequences of the "Latin American multicultural turn" in Afro Latino social movements of the past two decades.
"The change in government is not really a good change for Haiti now," said Roslindale resident Rosemond Cineus. "We have to follow the constitution. This president was elected for five years." "I always sent money, food and clothes," said Jean, whose aunts and uncles live in Port au Prince and Gonaives. "[Since the rebellion] we have to send more money, because everything is more expensive. They're hopeful things will get better, but it's worse in terms of jobs and food is scarce." "We didn't expect [foreign troops]," said [Jacques Victor]. "We wish that in the long run we can have our own troops in there directing them, but for now we work with them."
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Journal Title Details:
p. 391
Notes:
Santiago-Valles, Kelvin. (chapter) "The Sexual Appeal of Racial Differences: US Travel Writing and Anxious American-ness in Tuirn of the Century Puerto Rico."
Haitians or anyone with an intimate knowledge of Haiti knows what a historic event [Michaelle Jean]'s selection is. For her, and for Haitians in Canada and throughout the world. We all know what an improbable and almost impossible choice this is for anyone, except perhaps for Michaelle Jean. Born in Port-au-Prince, Jean and her family fled from Francois "Papa Doc" Duvalier's regime in 1968, and came to settle in Montreal when she was only eleven years old. "I have come a long way," Jean told a news conference in Canada's capital on August 4th, when she was introduced as Canada's 27th governor general. "My ancestors were slaves, they fought for freedom. I was born in Haiti, the poorest country in our hemisphere. I am a daughter of exiles driven from their home by a dictatorial regime." "I think it's a fascinating appointment," John Aimers, director of the Canadian Monarchist League was quoted by the CanWest News Service. "Because of the astonishing range of work she's done in Quebec, she's clearly a federalist voice who will be listened to and respected."
On Nov 15, 1996, Sao Paolo, Brazil's largest and richest city, elected its first black mayor, former finance secy Celso Roberto Pitta do Nascimento, who won 57% of the vote.
Focuses on the notion of environmental citizenship in examining how black and minority ethnic groups in Britain talk about environmental "rights" alongside environmental responsibilities. The authors conducted ten semi-structured interviews with community key informants and ten focus groups with African-Caribbean or Indian communities. Four environmental responsibility discourses in the participants' talk were identified. These were variously defined by issues of trust, social equity, off-loading of responsibility and government intervention and that served to shift environmental responsibility away from the individual onto "institutional others". Concludes by suggesting policy implications for the environmental and sustainability policy and planning community.
Benedita da Silva, the first black vice-governor of Rio de Janeiro, is profiled. Through her efforts to keep hope alive for impoverished Brazilians, laws were recently enacted to protect the rights of Rio's street children and domestic employees.
When Ernesto Estupinan Quintero was elected mayor of the city of Esmeraldas, Ecuador, in 2000, he was the first self-identifying Black person to reach this position. The city of Esmeraldas is the capital of the only province of the nation where Afro-Ecuadorians are the largest racial and cultural group. Immediately upon his election, Ernesto began commissioning murals and statues that contested traditional representations of Blackness.
"[Bush]'s proposal soared like a rocket and ended like a squid," [Colin Moore] said. "It's not an immigration reform but a temporary status to immigrants coming in, but what about those living here already?" he asked. Moore wanted to know what would happen to immigrants in the fifth year after applying for permanent residency, when in fact it takes 10 years for legal permanent status to be effected. "It's not an amnesty, but most thought it was," [Joan Foy] said. "However, it's better than nothing and it opens the issue for discussion where there was none. There has been no discussion on immigration since 1996 with the Antiterrorism and Death Penalty Act when many were caught by surprise and residents who were affected faced deportation.
The article analyzes Jamaican education policies formed by Jamaican Prime Minister Michael Manley and his government. The author is mainly interested in assessing the influence of Manley's notion of equality on his educational reforms for Jamaica's poor black citizens. Manley's understanding of equality is explained, which was largely influenced by a commitment to black pride and social justice. The educational standards and curricula developed by the Jamaican government are then detailed, with emphasis given to vocational programs and content dealing with Jamaicans' African heritage. The author concludes by evaluating the government's stance on educating Rastafarians.
Examines the impact of the Universal Negro Improvement League (UNIA) on the British colony of Bermuda where the majority black population was segregated and disenfranchised while white elites enjoyed total political and economic power. The efforts of UNIA leaders like Marcus Garvey made UNIA a global organization and strongly influenced Caribbean regional politics. Attention is given to the impact of tourism which became Bermuda's primary industry in the 1920s when blacks were evicted from their homes to make room for white resorts.
Bermuda's Progressive Labor Party, supported by the island's black population, won a second term in general elections on Jul 24, 2003, but Jennifer Smith, who led the party to victory, has been ousted by a rebel Cabinet faction that claimed she was too autocratic and aloof.
Analyzes current urban governance policies and the spatial politics of resistance embraced by communities under siege in Brazil. Space matters not only in terms of defining one's access to the polis, but also as a deadly tool through which police killings, economic marginalization, and mass incarceration produce the very geographies (here referred to as 'the black necropolis') that the state aims to counteract in its war against the black urban poor.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
289 p, Synopsis Examining the relationship between democracy and the politics of race from a cross-national comparative perspective, this study examies specifically how black people fare in the political systems of Britain, Brazil, and the USA. Questions concerning the role of race in the development of democratic ideology, theory and systems of governance, and the levels of difference and commonality in the policitical experiences of people of African descent in the diaspora are addressed. This text uses the traditional tools of comparative political science in order to examine the role of race and race-related issues in each nation. Each of the nation-state chapters traces the historical relationship between the development of democracy and the politics of race. Also discussed are the processes and factors that are the result of the specific national or political differences and those that may be the result of systemic factors that commonly occur in democratic contexts. ; Includes bibliographical references (p.267-281) and index.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
48 p., Examines black history from 1968 until 2008, discussing race relations around the world, apartheid in South Africa, genocide in Rwanda, the assassination of Martin Luther King, affirmative action programs, Hurricane Katrina, artists and important figures of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Includes sections on "Black and British" and "Caribbean independence."
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
417 p, Includes Mary J. Weismantel's "Racist stereotypes and the embodiment of blackness: some narratives of female sexuality in Quito" and Norman E. Whitten, Jr.'s "Mothers of the patria: la chola cuencana and la mama negra"
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
135 p., "Colonie britannique depuis 1655, la Jamaïque obtient son indépendance en 1962. Destination d'un voyage sans retour pour près d'un million d'Africains déportés, l'île est rongée par les cicatrices mémorielles de l'esclavage. Dominée par les Créoles, paupérisée et confrontée à une offre politique nationale inadaptée, la population africaine souffre de l'absence d'une identité noire revendiquée et institutionnalisée. De ce déni de reconnaissance officielle jailliront des mouvements alternatifs, dont la célèbre communauté rastafarienne. Incitant à réfléchir sur les mécanismes d'émergence des groupes identitaires, ce travail met en lumière l'importance de l'histoire et des problématiques de la mémoire dans le processus de construction des identités sociales et souligne le rôle central de la culture dans les luttes de pouvoir"--P. [4] of cover.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
331 p., Partly autobiographical, this novel looks at the racial politics of the 1950s and 1960s. Ramsay Tull is witness to the black racial discontents and the desire for national independence that are threatening the old colonial order; but when a chance comes to study at Oxford University, he becomes immersed in European literary culture and Marxism. On his return to Jamaica, Ramsay becomes actively involved in radical nationalist politics and begins his second journey, away from his middle-class origins and back to a true appreciation of the Jamaican people.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
435 p., Analysis based on a group of Afro-Colombian activists of Colombia's Pacific rainforest region, the Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN). Escobar offers a detailed ethnographic account of PCN's visions, strategies, and practices, and he chronicles and analyzes the movement's struggles for autonomy, territory, justice, and cultural recognition.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
126 p., Contents: La lucha contra la discriminación racial y las acciones afirmativas -- La identidad del afrocubano y el movimiento hip-hop -- Marcus Garvey desde la visión de Gustavo E. Urrutia -- El término "afrocubano" : una contribución olvidada de Fernando Ortiz -- La yorubización en el candomblé y la santería -- Importancia de la fundación del Partido Independiente de Color : amplitud y trascendencia de su programa.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
221 p., Chronicling the period from the abolition of slavery in 1888 to the start of Brazil's military regime in 1964, Romo uncovers how the state's nonwhite majority moved from being a source of embarrassment to being a critical component of Bahia's identity.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
213 p., Examines the need for international solidarity with grassroots movements in Brazil and throughout the African diaspora. Intertwined with the everyday happenings of a social movement currently underway in Brazil, the author conveys an in-depth sense of the women who drive the community movement in the neighborhood of Gamboa de Baixo in Salvador (Brazil).
