Using data on U.S.-born and Caribbean-born black women from the 1980-2000 U.S. Censuses and the 2000-2007 waves of the American Community Survey, documents the impact of cohort of arrival, tenure of U.S. residence, and country/region of birth on the earnings and earnings assimilation of black women born in the English-, French-, and Spanish-speaking Caribbean.
Examines the voting behavior of Cubans and non-Cuban Hispanics in two Florida counties. The group position thesis holds that status inequalities and perceived discrimination yield out-group hostilities that can influence political behavior. In Miami, where Cubans are dominant, we expect non-Cuban Latinos to report greater pan-Latino competition and that anti-Cuban attitudes will influence non-Cuban Hispanic voting. In Tampa, where non-Cuban Latinos live in communities where Cubans are not dominant, we expect lower levels of perceived competition and Cuban-related attitudes to be inconsequential to the vote. The results confirm that power relations in the local arena constitute an important influence on the political behavior of Latino immigrants.
A collection of articles on women in slavery, their family life, condition in society and employment and politics. These articles present themselves either as scientific studies, or as evidence and give a differentiated view of the reality of changing the situation of Caribbean women
Evaluates the economic and social impact of the large migrations which took place in Central America during the 1980s, especially from El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, to Costa Rica, Mexico, and Belize
The number of black Caribbean immigrants in America is growing with the most prevalent countries of origin being the Bahamas, Haiti, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, and Trinidad and Tobago.
Motivated by recent findings of a diminishing earnings gap between the West Indians and other black workers, the earnings processes of immigrant and native-born West Indians are examined in an effort to find the role of culture traits in their earnings
Contemporary immigrants can not be characterized as the "uprooted." Many are transmigrates, becoming firmly rooted in their new country but maintaining multiple linkages to their homeland
"Based on the example of migration to metropolitan France, this paper highlights the importance of systematising a gender perspective in the study of Caribbean migration." (author)
Uses data on both region and country of birth for black immigrants in the United States and methodology that allows for the identification of arrival cohorts to test whether there are sending country differences in the health of black adults in the United States. Results show that African immigrants maintain their health advantage over U.S.-born black adults after more than 20 years in the United States. In contrast, black immigrants from the Caribbean who have been in the United States for more than 20 years appear to experience some downward health assimilation.
"This article explores the changing form of white and black racial categories in North America. It argues that this transformation is being shaped by several, relatively distinct tendencies; including anti-immigrant sentiments, anti-black racism and the identity politics of racialized populations. The discussion focuses on two aspects of this transformation. First, the identity politics of Afro-Caribbean populations is used to illustrate how immigrant experiences contest and complicate the process of black racialization; second, the racialization of Latino populations is used to illustrate how normative definitions of whiteness are being redefined. The conclusion uses these examples to discuss the need for explanations of racial stratification that can account for multiple nodes of inclusion and exclusion." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR];
The work of Haitian author Jacques Stephen Alexis is replete with examples of characters caught in the dilemmas of exile. The author focuses on Alexis's characters who go through a "true" expatriation, a movement out of Haiti and into another country, and considers how the various experiences of expatriation are represented, as well as how the presence of the Haitian exiles impacts the host country. Taking examples from Alexis's novel Compère Général Soleil, Monro argues that the Haitian exiles unwittingly, though inevitably, disrupt the illusion of oneness of national identity and culture and become a subversive force, creolizing culture in the place of exile, the Dominican Republic. This cultural creolization in turn is a threat to the monocultural, totalizing political discourses of the host country, it is argued.;
Examines the depiction of first-wave West Indian immigrants to the United States in Black print culture in the early 20th century. The authors conduct a series of content analyses of four newspapers that had wide circulation in the Black community between 1910 and 1940. Each content analysis serves as an empirical test one of four common hypotheses about ethnic differentiation between West Indians and African Americans: (a) the group consciousness hypothesis, (b) the racial nationalism hypothesis, (c) the radical politics hypothesis, and (d) the model minority hypothesis. The authors find very little empirical support for either the group consciousness hypothesis or the racial nationalism hypothesis and find only a modicum of support for the radical politics hypothesis. Finally, the authors find evidence confirming the model minority hypothesis. They also find that the Black press presented an accurate portrayal of the West Indian immigrants' socioeconomic advantages to native-born Blacks.
Watson investigates the emigration of indigenous Amerindians in the West Indies during the period 1834-1900 and their replacement with enslaved Africans. After the emancipation of the slaves in 1833, the poor whites, who used to perform militia service on plantations in the West Indies, were forced to emigrate due to lack of employment opportunities.;
Discusses the history of migrants from the British Caribbean in Cuba during the early twentieth century. Views of sociologist Anthony Maingot on the single greatest lacuna in the study of the Caribbean; Focus on the organization practices of these migrants answering questions within social science scholarship in the Caribbean such as race, religion and nation; Information on the Universal Negro Improvement Association formed by Marcus Garvey.;
"This article investigates the efficacy of community organizing by African Caribbean migrants in Toronto, Ontario. The author argues that community organizing was an instinctive initiative of African Caribbean people. Historically, Black community organizational agenda, although owing much to its own resourcefulness and fortitude, was intimately connected to the influence and strength of the larger White population. Racism and social exclusions were the major external factors influencing the majority of African Caribbean institutional building." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR];
The way in which the Caribbean person is given emblematic status as the metropolitan migrant is made clear in James Clifford's declaration that ‘We are all Caribbeans now...in our urban archipelagos'. Examines the impact on the critical reception of Caribbean writings that has been made as a result of the fact that metropolitan diasporas are now the privileged places in which to be properly ‘postcolonial’.
Examines experience of Caribbean migrants and immigrants in urban regions in Spain, France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, and the US; 7 articles, 2 in Spanish, 1 in French, and 4 in English. Based on an international conference entitled Les migrations caraïbéennes vers les métropoles: identité, citoyenneté, modèles d'intégration, held on June 20-22, 2002 in Paris. Contents: La racialización en los migrantes coloniales del Caribe en los centros metropolitanos: una introducción a la historia de las diversas colonialidades en cada imperio, by Ramón Grosfoguel; Incorporation and transnationalism among Dominican immigrants, by José Itzigsohn; Caribbean kinship in a global setting, by Mary Chamberlain; The Janus face of transnational citizenship: Surinamese experiences, by Ruben Gowricharn; Gender issues in the study of circulation between the Caribbean and the French Metropole, by Stephanie Condon; Racisme colonial, ethnicité et citoyenneté: les leçons des expériences migratoires antillaises et guyanaises, by Michel Giraud; Identidad, ciudadanía e integración de los dominicanos en España: un estudio exploratorio, by Carlos Dore Cabral, Laura Faxas.
Dwayne is a Grade 6 student who came to Canada from Jamaica at the age of seven. Upon arrival in a new school Dwayne had to adapt to a new culture. In addition, Dwayne was identified as having severe behavioral problems and learning difficulties, and it was recommended within the first month of school that the boy be medicated in order for him to cope. His mother refused. Through interviewing Dwayne's mother and his teacher, a case study details Dwayne's experiences of schooling. The story of Dwayne illustrates how experiences of disablement are interrelated with experiences of migration and racialization.
Explores the link between long-lasting relations within the family and intra-familial violence perpetrated against women in Latino households in South Florida. The results indicate that among abused women, the effects of long-lasting relations within the family differ depending on the type of relationship between the abuser and the victim and the degree of closeness the victim feels towards other family members.
An analysis of interviews with representatives of global governance institutions and international nongovernmental organizations conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the Latin American and Caribbean region and at the headquarters of relevant international organizations in Geneva. Argues that because the discourse on migrant women's rights and their labor exploitation is framed predominantly in the context of trafficking, little headway is made in advancing migrant women's labor and social rights.
Internal, indentured and regional migration were tightly interlinked in post-emancipation Martinique by both contemporary perceptions and migrant actions. Anticipating a flight from the estates, colonial elites were committed before emancipation to constructing a replacement workforce through immigration. Indentureship was therefore a reaction to a crisis of labour relations rather than of labour supply. Such schemes also stimulated regional movements, from marronage by indentured Africans and Asians to recruitment efforts in the British West Indies. Viewed together, the three faces of post-emancipation migration reveal the continuing tension between the colony's search for coerced labour and the migrants' assertions of agency. [abstract];
The importance of immigrant workers in Cuba's sugar and tropical fruit industries between independence and revolution is examined. The later anti-immigrant sentiment is also examined. SUBJECT(S); Chronicles the economic and political factors responsible for the migration of nearly 200,000 Caribbean immigrants - from Jamaica, Haiti, Puerto Rico, Barbados, Grenada, Aruba, and Curacao - to Cuba in the 1920's and 1930's
Discusses the 1978 case of seven Jamaican women who were to be deported from Canada and the questions the case raised about the value of women's labor and discriminatory immigration policies. Elucidates why the women, in their roles as mothers, decided to challenge the orders to leave Canada and illuminates the ways in which racialized women find the means to negotiate in-between spaces that allow them to survive.
Examines the relationship between acculturative stress and depressive symptoms among Haitian immigrant generation women in the United States. Recommendations highlight methods for integrating assessment, therapeutic approach and the client's background when making decisions about treatment as well as other areas of which the therapist may need to be aware when providing culturally appropriate therapy to Haitian women.
Focuses on the retrospective accounts of Caribbean-born adults who as children were serial migrants, joining their parents in the UK following a period of separation. Considers aspects of their relationships with their siblings and with their mothers and fathers.
The 2010 earthquake in Haiti and its aftermath have highlighted inherent but understudied transnational governance and socio-legal complexities of disaster recovery and displacement. This paper examines the key transnational governance and socio-legal issues that have arisen in the South Florida region for four distinct groups: (i) displacees and their related legal, social, cultural, and economic issues; (ii) host communities and governance, legal, and monetary complexities associated with compensation payments (e.g., to hospitals for their services to earthquake survivors); (iii) immigrants within the United States and related legalization and citizenship issues; and (iv) diaspora communities and socio-legal issues related to dual citizenship and their ongoing struggles to have a louder voice in the future of Haiti.
Finds that elimination of agricultural import tariffs hurts both agricultural and non-agricultural households, via adverse factor-market effects, but impacts vary substantially by workers' gender and country of origin. Females and Haitian immigrants tend to fare better than Dominican males, and there are ramifications for both market and non-market activities.
Argues that the underdevelopment of Dominican social policies reflects the political impact of international migration flows, including both Dominican emigration to the United States and the immigration into the Dominican Republic from neighboring Haiti. These flows have inhibited the development of progressive political actors, including the partisan left and organized labor, and facilitated the adoption of an economic production model that erects additional obstacles to the expansion of the country's social policies.
When the earthquake of 7.0 on the Richter scale struck Haiti on January 12, 2010, the forcibly displaced on and off the island were the object of emergency planning, but so too were the host populations in Haiti and the neighbouring Dominican Republic. This article seeks to examine the emergency response to the earthquake and ongoing challenges through the lens of critical mobilities, with special reference to forced migration island-wide. Who (men, women, boys and girls) is able to move, how, where, for how long and through which networks? What is the legal framework, if any, governing these movements? Who wants visibility and who prefers to move 'incognito', in the context, for example, of ambiguous migration policies in the Dominican Republic towards impoverished Haitian immigrants?
