3) Spanish and other European immigrants that were encouraged to settle in Cuba as per attempts to "bleach" the island. This was the first time anything like this was seriously proposed since Haiti earned its independence. This is important to note because the "spectre" of Haiti loomed ominously over Spanish and Cuban whites for a century and most of their policies towards Cuba's Blacks were reflective of it. The following year, the Cuban Ward Connerly of his day, Martin Morúa Delgado was elected Speaker in Cuba's Senate. The year after that, Morúa introduced legislation that became known as the Morúa Amendment and it outlaws the PIC because is was based on race and racism was supposedly eradicated in Cuba. Just before the vote was taken to enact this bill into law, Estonez and other PIC leaders were imprisoned and were kept in jail until after the law was passed.
Commenting on the sanctity of the family, the president delivers a clear message in the song, "Pap Divoce," for which his cabinet has already delivered an entertaining video. [Mickey] has taken note of the disposition of the nation's young in regard to Haiti's current state and delivered a very club friendly response in the melodious "Non, non, non". Presidential advisor Wyclef Jean makes a bullet-riddled entrance in "Men nou" that should have dedicated supporters either rushing for shelter or the nearest ballot box. Djazz La Vol. 5 is probably the very best effort this talented drummer/producer has ever released.
Who are they? [Raoul Peck] works primarily with an ensemble made up of [Sarah]'s family and members of the infamous TonTon Macoute. It's these men operating outside civilian and military law, who imbue "The Man By The Shore" with its thick taste of dread and fear. For it quickly becomes obvious that they can threaten, maim, even kill anyone at anytime for the least of slights. Janvier (Jean Michel Martial), the chief of the Macoutes here, wields unbridled power, making him one of the most fearsome screen villians in recent times. "The Man By The shore" combines the terror of the Duvalier regime and Haiti's natural beauty in a gripping story. Audiences may leave questioning whether it's better to remember or to forget!
Focuses on specific aspects of the independent, creative network of musicians who in the late 1960s and early 1970s bonded together as the nueva canción or nueva canción movement across the Latin American continent, the Caribbean, and Spain. The author traces nueva canción through various key phrases. Nueva canción describes a music enmeshed within historical circumstances which included: the forging of revolutionary culture in Cuba; the coming together of political parties to form a coalition to elect the first ever socialist president in Chile in 1970; resistance to brutal Latin American dictatorships; and the struggle for new democracies. The music was often referred to by different names in different countries. It was known as: nueva cancionero (new song book) in Argentina; nueva canción (new song) in Chile and Peru; nueva trova (new song) in Cuba; and volcanto (volcanic song) in Nicaragua. Nueva canción musicians never saw their music as protest song. Nueva canción was regarded as a social force in itself and a key resource for creating collective bonds. This movement in its various forms was an emblematic music of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. Functioning as both a national and international music, nueva canción has become part of the active memory of this period. Its potent legacy can be seen in the fact that many high-profile commercial singers today continue to be influenced by it: nueva canción continues to be perceived as a legitimate, unifying, and active force for peaceful change.
"I think it's a joke," Miami-based Haitian business woman and [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] supporter Lucie Tondreau told The Times. "These same people talking about they are representing the industrial class are the ones that are paying people 68 U.S. cents a day for 17 hours of work. These are the same people who have just fired over 300 poor people without indemnity. These are the same people who over the years in Haiti have refused to pay taxes, electricity, who have not invested in the infrastructure, in the schools of Haiti, and today they are coming here talking about democracy?," Tondreau wondered. "He" (Aristide) "was at the basis of reinforcement of polarization," said [Apaid]. "He was prone to keep our country divided. He knew our mentality and rather than try to correct it he was accentuating it while making deals behind the palace door with the very people he was attacking. So there was a hypocrisy in it and it's just traditional political behavior. We want to go beyond that." While Apaid described the current situation in Haiti as slow with a lot of problems but moving in the right direction, Tondreau described Haiti as a place where people have no right to demonstrate without being killed. "We need the duly elected president back in Haiti," said Tondreau.
637 p., Utilizes perceptions and attitudes towards the Haitian Revolution as a means to resituate party conflict and the boundaries of American nationalism in the Early Republic. The concept of nationalism is utilized in both the shaping of political culture and in the institutional formation of the state. As a result, the Haitian Revolution generated contradictory factional responses between the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans to the emergence of revolutionary abolitionism in the Atlantic. On a more popular level, the ordeal of Haiti engendered a fear of black militant abolitionism that hardened American attitudes towards the possibility of further slave emancipation in the United States.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
346 p., Ranging from the time of slavery and indentureship, to national independence in 1962 and the present day, this book shows how gender inequalities have been perpetuated for the benefit of exploitative systems from slavery to the present day. The book explores women's roles and activities both in colonial ideology and in reality.
It's only after Jean-Bertrand was airborne - on a U.S government aircraft - and the genocide had just about run its course, that Mr. Global Panacea himself, George Bush, announced that he was sending marines "...to help bring order to Haiti." He's the same person who, early in the crisis stated that any Haitian refugees who attempted to enter the US would be returned to Haiti. Here in North America it's `tribalism' of another kind; the police call the players "gangs," their issues... "gang violence." [Ooops! I would be remiss if I didn't thank the Bush-Blair tandem, but especially President George Bush, on the first anniversary of that stupendous victory over Iraq - what with it's ominous repertoire of weapons of mass destruction and all. It brought an end to Saddam Hussein's decades-old reign of terror and, more importantly, the "liberation of the Iraqi people..."
Very few people have ever heard of the war between the Blacks and Mulattoes in Haiti. This was a war between light-skinned Blacks and dark skinned Blacks. Interestingly, outsiders who had a stake in dividing Haiti's victorious army engineered this war. The old adage of divide and conquer that was used and is still used. If the students at Howard University who devised the paper bag test had only read of the war between mulattoes and black in Haiti they would have been ashamed of their actions. Other African Americans immigrated to Haiti, stayed, and became prominent members of Haitian society. Hezekiah Grice was an Afro American leader, and a supporter of emigration by Blacks to Haiti. He was convinced that there would never be full emancipation for Blacks in this country. Outraged at the treatment of his people in America, he immigrated to Haiti, and became the director of Public Works in Port-Au-Prince.
Dos Santos and Joaquim Barbosa Gomes, a constitutional law professor and lecturer at Columbia University, say racism is more easily detected in the United States than Brazil and is thus harder to combat. Affirmative action's advocates chide dos Santos Silva and other cautious Afro Brazilians, noting that blacks have been "feeling different" since an estimated 3.6 million slaves toiled throughout the country from 1532 to 1850. That estimate does not include the captured Africans who did not survive the brutal journey to Brazil by ship.
Randall Robinson, founder and president of TransAfrica will speak at 12:30 p.m. at the Black Business and Professional Association's (BBPA) 4th Annual African American Economic Summit to be held Saturday, May 20 at the Renaissance Long Beach Hotel from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. Robinson is a noted activist and author of Defending the Spirit: A Black Life in America. He is best known for his leadership in spearheading the movement to influence United States policies toward Africa and the Caribbean. Robinson played a significant role in the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa in the 1980s and the restoration of Democracy in Haiti.
"You must understand that we are very different in Cuba," insisted Gabriel Molina Franchossi, director of Gramma newspaper, the official organ of the communist party in Cuba. "To Afro-Cubans, big lips and big backsides are objects of beauty. To us, such images represent the feminine ideal." Afro Cubans also seem naive. Cubans are fond of saying that Fidel Castro abolished racism when he came into power 40 years ago, as though this can be accomplished by a simple decree. What they really mean, of course, is that Castro outlawed discrimination And again, who am I to say he hasn't? In the United States, discrimination didn't become illegal until the mid-60s when Congress passed a series of civil rights laws effecting voting rights, equal employment, and fair housing. By 1968, Richard Nixon was ending a wave of white backlash into power and the process of undermining those gains began. Blacks appear to have had a different experience in Cuba, where better than 40 percent of the population is either Black or mestizo (mixed) and where a fair percentage of those who are considered "white" acknowledge some degree of African or mestizo blood in their heritage. "We in Cuba are not so easily categorized as in the United States," said Reynaldo Calviac Lafferte, director of the International Press Center. He pointed to a wall in his office. "In the same family, there are some who are as white as that wall." Then he slapped his patent leathers. "And there are some who are as black as my shoes. For us, race is not an issue like it is for you."
A number of high-profile posts were to follow and Guyana's independence in 1966 brought fresh demands on his time. First he became Attorney-General and then, after a series of ministerial positions during the late '60s and early '70s, he was appointed Secretary-General of the Commonwealth. It has been speculated that his relentless pursuit for just international relations, and for trade based on justice, ultimately hindered his chances of being appointed Secretary-General of the United Nations. But to this day, Sir Shridath presses on. Sir Arthur Lewis IN 1979, Sir Arthur Lewis became a standard-bearer for Black intellectuals. He became the first person from the Caribbean ever to gain a Nobel Prize, winning the award for economics in 1979.
Arbitrary detention of Haitian refugees should not be part of U.S. foreign policy. Minors should not be held captive, nor should any of the refugees be denied due process or the right to legal representation. In the past, all Haitian refugees were considered economic refugees. Today, even the president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, is claiming that he is being persecuted. While the U.S. Special Forces and the State Department are busy chasing Al Qaeda fighters in Afghanistan, on the island nation of Haiti, a powerful and deadly drama is unfolding. Mob killings of reporters and shootouts in broad daylight between mayors and congressmen have become common occurrence.
Explanations of the Abolitionist movement's success in Brazil (1888) have, since the 1960s and 1970s, emphasized the movement's material context, its class nature, and the agency of the captives. These analyzzes have misunderstood and gradually ignored the movement's formal political history. Even the central role of urban political mobilisation is generally neglected; when it is addressed, it is crippled by lack of informed analysis of its articulation with formal politics and political history. It is time to recover the relationship between Afro-Brazilian agency and the politics of the elite. In this article this is illustrated by analysing two conjunctures critical to the Abolitionist movement: the rise and fall of the reformist Dantas cabinet in 1884-85, and the relationship between the reactionary Cotegipe cabinet (1885-88), the radicalisation of the movement, and the desperate reformism that led to the Golden Law of 13 May 1888.
CAFTA is also a step backward for labor rights. Under CAFTA, Central American countries are only obligated to uphold their own labor laws, which have been judged inadequate by the International Labor Organization in more than 20 ways. What's more, the enforcement of these deficient laws cannot be encouraged through the use of dispute settlement, fines or trade sanctions. Even putting labor conditions aside, CAFTA is bad the health of people of co south of the U.S. border. The countries of Central America have high rates of infection of HIV/AIDS and other diseases, rates that go up even more if you look at just the Afro-Latino communities. Provisions in CAFTA would actually delay or limit the introduction of cheaper, generic drugs to combat or cure many diseases and other health conditions. The result? Many of the 275,000 Central America living with HIV/AIDS will not be able to afford antiretroviral drugs. This impact will hit especially hard on Afro-Latinos, who make up a third of Latin America's population but represent 40 percent of Latin America's poor Maybe that's why Doctors Without Borders, the American Public Health Association and many others have come out strongly against CAFTA.
In his farewell address as outgoing Caucus chair, U.S. Representative Elijah E. Cummings (D-Md.) expressed his gratitude for the opportunity to serve as chairman during the 108th Congress and praised [Melvin L. Watt]'s intellect, skill, and balanced approach to solving today's public policy challenges. The new officers of the CBC for the 109th Congress are: Watt, chair; U.S. Rep. Corrine Brown, 1st vice chair; U.S. Rep. Carolyn C. Kilpatrick, 2nd vice chair; U.S. Rep. Danny K. Davis, secretary; and U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee, whip. "We have to have dialogue, and we're trying to create opportunities for that dialogue to take place," said Watt, who admitted that it's hard sometimes for the CBC to take aggressive positions in the areas of trade because of differing views among its own constituents. "We have not been aggressive in the area of trade, advocating one trade policy over another, as we have on some of the more core issues."
Compares memoirs by Maya Angelou, Barack Obama, and Caryl Phillips. The Caribbean-born Afro-Britain Caryl Phillips published The Atlantic Sound (2000), an account of African diasporic identity that moved between understanding, compassion, and a harsh belief that Africa cannot take on the role of a psychologist's couch, that "Africa cannot cure." These three memoirs offer insight into the complex and highly contested nature of identity throughout the African diaspora, and present very personalized reflections on the geography, politics, and history of Africa as a source of identity and diasporic belonging.
"Cuba has represented metaphorically the ability of an oppressed people to challenge imperialism and colonialism," Marable explained. "In the political imagination of Black America, Cuba represents the radical possibility of fundamental social change. One of the key questions now is -- what does Cuba represent for Black America in this period of political transition?"
Representatives of several major Jamaican corporations, primarily representing companies in the food distribution and financial services sectors, will also be participating in and co-sponsoring the event. This year's conference will be held under the theme: "The Jamaican Diaspora: Unleashing the Potential".
A critical analysis of Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s PBS documentary film series Black in Latin America. Explores how racial polemics are explicitly entangled with the politics of Revolution in Cuba. Adapted from the source document.
"It is with pride and humility that I accept the Prime Minister's Award for Service to Jamaican Nationals abroad. I am very proud of my Jamaican heritage and over the past thirty years I have worked to maintain ties at home and abroad. My goal was always to support and help to foster cultural, educational and economic stability for Jamaican Nationals within the Greater Hartford area. I have a great sense of pride and fulfillment as I see first, second and third generations of Jamaicans excel educationally and economically. As one of the founding members of NAJASO, the National Organization of Jamaicans and Supportive Organizations, I have reached out on the national level to bring Jamaicans together to support Jamaica and to maintain their Jamaican pride and heritage."
"Currently the districts only dilute the voting strength of Haitian-Americans," he said. "If the county does not increase the number of seats, the chances are that within the next 10 years you will see a Haitian American and an African American fighting for the same seat," he said. "This would cause deep ethnic division. And we already have enough ethnic division." "In the past Commissioner Gwen Margolis has supported the idea in principal. And Commissioner Dorrin Rolle has questioned the timing of it," he said.
We have been blessed because they are a part of our mosaic." The evening festivities featured remarks from Haitian Consul General of New York Harry J. Fouche and Haiti's Ambassador to the United Nations Jean C. Alexandre. Entertainment was provided the Haitian American Association of Jersey City Inc., gospel singer [Felina Backer] and rap group Euneek Aroma Haiti. Additionally, the work of Haitian artist Lucien Bourdeau was displayed. The master of ceremonies was Yves Richar Blanc.
We must continue to support one another for the future of our community. We need to see more African American leaders coming into the Haitian community, not just during election time but throughout the year. We need to see more solid commitment on the part of the Haitian community also to join different causes in the African American community. These are the only ways we can overcome in this struggle for equality. If we continue to treat our political interests as separate entities, we will never get to partake of the ftuits of democracy. Concerned citizens and political officials in both communities need to let people know that we don't have a Haitian/African American problem. I would hope that the Haitian community can realize that just because Mr. Duke, an African American, was defeated by Mr. [Joe Celestin], a Haitian, that Haitians are not "better" or "tougher" or "stronger" than the African American community. Likewise, the African American community needs the growing Haitian vote in the future. Haitian and African American people are one race, living through different cultural lifestyles. It's okay to have different lifestyles, as long as we respect each others' differences, without animosity or violence. For instance, the Latin community is comprised of Spanish-speaking people from different countries: Cuba, Colombia, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nicaragua, etc. Does anyone think that these groups are in complete harmony with one another? The answer is no. The different Spanish-speaking groups do not like one another that much but, in reality, when it comes to standing up for a common cause you see them marching side by side, taking pictures with each other and voting for each other.
"It is a new day," [Phillip J. Brutus] told Caribbean Today. "No longer will Haitian Americans be taken for granted. We are demanding our place at the table." "We need to get Haitians involved in the process," Joseph "Billy" Louis, a spokesperson for the group, told Caribbean Today. "We need numbers in order to be taken seriously." Damian P. Gregory is a freelance writer for Caribbean Today. Caribbean Today's special focus on Haiti begins with Nick Carter's call for the nation to "re-invent" itself on page 9 and continues on page 29 with highlights of events there and in the U.S. marking Haiti's 200th Independence.
Needless to say, it would take more than this short column to list all her accomplishments and all the legislative activities she had been involved in. Suffice it to say, however, she fought very hard, not only for her constituencies, but also for what was right. And this is the point that requires a reflective pause for the Haitian community. The Haitian community, along with some non-Haitian observers, has always felt that it has been discriminated against by U.S. immigration policies. Back in the 1980's and the early 1990's, there were many Haitian activists who took to the streets and to the airwaves to decry these discriminatory policies. However, none of the Haitian activists were elected officials. Certainly, the efforts of these activists were very important and sometimes fruitful in the context of exposing the inequality of these policies to the larger American public.
Haitians or anyone with an intimate knowledge of Haiti knows what a historic event [Michaelle Jean]'s selection is. For her, and for Haitians in Canada and throughout the world. We all know what an improbable and almost impossible choice this is for anyone, except perhaps for Michaelle Jean. Born in Port-au-Prince, Jean and her family fled from Francois "Papa Doc" Duvalier's regime in 1968, and came to settle in Montreal when she was only eleven years old. "I have come a long way," Jean told a news conference in Canada's capital on August 4th, when she was introduced as Canada's 27th governor general. "My ancestors were slaves, they fought for freedom. I was born in Haiti, the poorest country in our hemisphere. I am a daughter of exiles driven from their home by a dictatorial regime." "I think it's a fascinating appointment," John Aimers, director of the Canadian Monarchist League was quoted by the CanWest News Service. "Because of the astonishing range of work she's done in Quebec, she's clearly a federalist voice who will be listened to and respected."
60 p., Explores the legal means by which victims of natural disasters could qualify as refugees and thus benefit from the power of migration as a tool for disaster recovery.
"It is important because we are black first," said Joseph, a U.S. resident since 1970 and a registered Democrat, "then we are Caribbean or American." "As a black man walking down the street (in the U.S.), no one knows if he is Caribbean or not," [Irwint Claire] added. "Plus Caribbean people have played important roles in advancement of African Americans. "It is a very significant time for Caribbean Americans," he said. "Caribbean nationals should look at it as a good time to be in the U.S...One ([Barack Obama]) from the ranks is moving forth."
Leith earned inclusions in Who's Who in the World, Who's Who in American Education, Who's Who in America, Who's Who of American Women, Who's Who in the East, Who's Who in Universal Publication, Who's Who of the Year, (American Biographical Institute), International Woman of the Year (International Biographical Center), and received the Outstanding Achievement Award at Baruch College Alumni Association. From a very early age, Leith had vowed that she must be "a shining star." She wanted to make a difference in society by being a friend and help to mankind. Her childhood dream has metamorphosed into a successful business enterprise. As the Prime Minister of Jamaica extends this latest award, Leith Yetman's star is shining even brighter.
Drawing on original case studies of police reform in Burundi, Haiti and Southern Sudan, this article demonstrates that developmental approaches to security system reform have more scope for application in fragile states that are not at war or involved in the War on Terror.
Crossroads populate religious and folkloric beliefs all around the world. Stories of an intersection of dimensions, as well as of roads where a guardian-trickster deity awaits to carry human desires to the gods, are widely encountered in European, Caribbean, and West African lore (as well as the legends formed around blues and rock stars). The symbolism of the crossroads speaks directly to one's innate recognition of a charged metaphorical space; a space that is liminal, betwixt-and-between. This notion of the crossroads serves as inspiration for examining the relationship between U2's music and listeners' progressive political awareness—the marriage of critical consciousness and action for social justice and change. To this end, an in-depth study is carried out of six listeners' experiences at the potent crossroads of their developing progressive awareness and their encounters with U2's music.
President [Fidel Castro] lashed out at Mayor [Giuliani] for excluding him from the posh city parties. "The Mayor says I was a demon, and a demon couldn't be invited to dinner. So I said I'll go hungry the first day in New York" and then Castro laughed and said he wasn't upset by the Mayor's snub because his social calendar was full anyway. He said a friendly and rich family and a group of businessmen including David Rockefeller had invited him to dinner. President Castro says the U.N. don't speak of it. People applauded the independence of the African Countries, Namibia and South Africa. You would have thought the United Nations worked a miracle. There was no mention of Cuba and no mention of the many Cuban soldiers who lost their lives in the war. Yet they spoke of the end of apart-heid in a glorious manner. Castro says when people begin to write history, they forget reality. That is the historical truth, says Mr. Castro and a lot of research should be done on this because they have these nuclear weapons under their control right now. Mr. Castro says Cuba was the only outside country to shed its blood against apartheid and against racism in Africa. He says he agrees all nuclear weapons should be removed. But what is a blockade? "As we were saying today at the United Nations that blockade is like a noiseless atom bomb. It kills people and children. There is no justification for a blockade."
This study was conducted in two Jamaican parishes: Kingston and St. Thomas. Designed as a case study, the research explores top-down and bottom-up implementation approaches, as well as political model theory. What efforts make programs succeed, and what problems make them fail? The study concludes by highlighting five major findings and suggestions for policy implementation.
A Hartford Courant photographer, he opens the door to Haiti's dark, brutal secrets with explicit photographs taken in his native country. [Marc Yves Regis] was a freelance photographer with the Miami Times and an intern with the Miami Herald before joining the Courant. The book outlines Haiti's democratic reforms, beginning with the 1990 appointment of the country's first woman president. A year later, Ertha Pascal-Trouillot handed power to Jean-Betrand Aristide, who captured the presidency with an overwhelming 67 percent of the vote in the country's first true democratic election.
Argues that Haitians used music, and particularly religious singing, self-reflexively, in a culturally patterned way, to orient themselves in time and space, and to construct a frame of meaning in which to understand and act in the devastated Haitian capital. Non-Haitian observers noted with astonishment Haitians’ widespread use of song, but could not make sense of the singing.
Its Chairman, [Henry Crespo], suggested that the recall "is about the Camillus House," and its recommended relocation initially adjacent to Overtown and most recently in the area of newly elected Commissioner Angel Gonzalez's district. [Arthur E. Teele, Jr.], who supports this latter move as well as quality housing for the homeless, explained that the new Camillus House will be a state-of-the-art, well-designed secluded homeless facility, nothing like the current loiter-type housing. Gonzalez is on record as being against the new site on Cuban radio and from the dais. Reportedly, Gonzalez has been very vocal with Camillus House proponents against Teele. As its platform, the recall committee has circulated flyers listing contracts awarded by the City of Miami Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA), which Teele chairs, as justification for Commissioner Teele's alleged "neglect of duty." Teele responded in the PULSE meeting that he cannot accept responsibility for the actions of all five City of Miami commissioners who sit on the CRA Board. He individually named each business, explained their service to the CRA and their contribution to the overall redevelopment of the Southeast-Overtown Park West/Omni area.
[Teresa Heinz Kerry] shared the stage with two Haitian women, Aderadle Jules, 56, who had one family member to die in the floods and is missing seven, and Desita Fevrier, 52, who lost all eight of her family members in the Gonaives flood. Heinz Kerry first addressed the audience in French, which the predominately Creole speaking audience responded to favorably. Heinz Kerry said she did not know how the Haitian community was set up to handle disasters of the magnitude of Tropical Storm Jeanne. After acknowledging that she was not familiar with every Haitian issue, Heinz Kerry expressed concern about the United States' repatriation policy regarding Haitians. "I don't honestly know what the policy is for Haitians and Cubans when they come by boat to this country. What I don't understand is why do Haitians once they land have a different kind of treatment where they are held up for so long," Heinz Kerry pondered, as she drew applause from the audience.
The examination of Leonora Miano's work offers a great example of how, through literature, a new form of Negritude could be identified. This paper intends to highlight her American (including Caribbean) literary inspirations and how the rising Franco-Cameronese novelist has compounded them with her African upbringing and family ties which allows her to reflect on what she calls "Afropeaness".
Haiti is a third world country with a population of over seven million and another few million scattered over the world. It represents per capita the poorest Western Hemisphere country but in reality it has been downtrodden by political instability and the insolvency of the Dictatorship stereotype. This dictatorship mentality has taken root with Duvalier regime (Papa Doc and Baby Doc) which for many years had an iron grip over this French-Creole island and resulted in the destruction of a truly unique island. Each leader since, Jean Claude Duvalier has monopolized and downtrodden the Haitian community for his own selfish reasons. The dictatorship tactics of Duvalier was emulated by each leader who succeeded him and the military in this place took the place of 'Baby Doc's' dreaded "Ton Ton Man Coute" death squads.
In the past two decades, migration scholars have revised and revitalized assimilation theory to study the large and growing numbers of migrants from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean and their offspring in the United States. Neoclassical and segmented assimilation theories seek to make sense of the current wave of migration that differs in important ways from the last great wave at the turn of the 20th century and to overcome the conceptual shortcomings of earlier theories of assimilation that it inspired. This article examines some of the central assumptions and arguments of the new theories.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
The definitive group biography of the Wailers—Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, and Bunny Livingston—chronicling their rise to fame and power and offering a portrait of a seminal group during a period of exuberant cultural evolution. Over one dramatic decade, a trio of Trenchtown R&B crooners swapped their 1960s Brylcreem hairdos and two-tone suits for 1970s battle fatigues and dreadlocks to become the Wailers—one of the most influential groups in popular music. A history of the band is presented from their upbringing in the brutal slums of Kingston to their first recordings and then international superstardom. It is argued that these reggae stars offered three models for black men in the second half of the 20th century: accommodate and succeed (Marley), fight and die (Tosh), or retreat and live (Livingston). The author meets with Rastafarian elders, Obeah men, and other folk authorities as he attempts to unravel the mysteries of Jamaica's famously impenetrable culture and to offer a sophisticated understanding of Jamaican politics, heritage, race, and religion.
Sisters and Brothers in the Diaspora outside Jamaica, Season's Greetings and remember in your prayers, in this time of fellowship and love, not just your own family and friends, but the larger family of Jamaicans and our homeland, Jamaica. In the coming year, we must, must have a conference of Jamaicans in Canada - and, before the middle of the year. Let us sit together, as many Jamaicans as possible, in workshops to thrash out the solutions. We know what the problems are. Time to stop talking about them and start dealing with solutions among ourselves, in a rational, quiet manner, as our forefathers did in order to end slavery and colonialism.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
150 p., Contents: Postcolonial Caribbean women's fiction : a revisionist discourse
Caribbean women's literature in the post independence era Beka Lamb : a look at "befo' time Crick crack, monkey : "when monkey caan see'e own tail" Angel : "light the way for us!" Traversing thresholds.
275 p., Racial ideology in Cuba, which negates the importance and effects of race and a racial hierarchy, gained significant legitimacy at the start of the Cuban Revolution due to increased levels of equality and the initial commitment by the Revolution to eradicate racism and racial discrimination. Racism was declared to be solved and race was subsequently erased from the public script two years after its triumph in 1959. This project determines (1) how the ideology of racial harmony and Cuban socialism join to create a racial ideology that often succeeds in reducing the salience of race for Cubans, particularly among the revolution's supporters (2) how this racial ideology affects identity formation, racial consciousness and racial attitudes among blacks as it interacts with visible racial disparities and (3) the trajectory that black politics has taken in Cuba.
"Once again, WLIB's commitment to New York's African American and Caribbean communities has been confirmed. We have devoted significant air time to voter registration drives, Public Service Announcements and other programs specifically organized to motivate our listeners to vote," said Janie Washington, station manager.
Except for inroads made in the first 10 - 15 years after the revolution, what is black has been heavily stereotyped; and nowadays there are no black actors to speak of on Cuban television, which is easy to see by tuning in. [Alden Knight] is best - known for his performance poetry - especially that of Cuba's mulatto National Poet, the late Nicols Guill'en our kind of Langston Hughes, the two of them having been contemporaries and friends. He regrets that it makes little sense in 1995 to perform Guill'en's classic 1964 poem of social redemption for the black Cuban: "Tengo [I have] is the sum total of what was achieved in this country for blacks, for the poor... and now it's been lost. I have said that when that poem can be read again in all honesty. We shall have regained what we had won by the end of the 1960s. When we were poor but equal. She and her sisters - three doctors and a philologist who specializes on Africa - were known since they were little as the daughters of Lilliam and Unan Emilio. The four were born and raised in Santiago de Cuba, the island's second and most Caribbean city, renowned for its history of rebellion, heroism and hospitality, as well as its more predominantly black population.
What roles do Caribbean Migrants play in the electing of Caribbean American officials and can Caribbean Americans only win in heavily populated Caribbean communities? Have they become a force to be reckoned with as it regards politics? These and other related questions have been foremost on the lips of many as more and more Caribbean Officials are elected into political positions in their communities. The recently held elections seemed to have further the theory that that Caribbean Americans are strongest in these areas where there is a large Caribbean community, as two more Caribbean Nationals joined the list of a growing number of Caribbean Americans now in politics. Jennifer Williams's one resident of Miramar believes the Caribbean Americans have their best chance in heavily Caribbean populated areas. "It is not that they can't win anywhere else but in these areas their votes are sure. "More Caribbean people, regardless from which island they are from, would much rather be represented by people they can relate to and someone who they believe shares similar issues," she said. "Who better to know of the different problems we experience than a Caribbean City Commissioner and we expect that they will be there to help us resolve some of these problems," she said.
With many of our local elections already gone and the presidential election fast-approaching, I sat back and took a long look at the candidates that ran for the various seats. I noticed something that truly startled me. There was not one candidate of Caribbean descent in any of the many elections that took place on September 3. Although it's a sad commentary on what's happening in the Caribbean community, it is also a chance for the community to make changes for the future. So many of us are American citizens of Caribbean heritage and have all right to run for election. Caribbean-Americans could be a very influential enclave in this town, not only economically, but politically as well. Hispanic candidates turned out in droves. In practically every race there was at least one Hispanic candidate. Black Americans also managed a strong showing. Most notable, with Arthur E.
In Colombia, armed conflict, exacerbated by the war on drugs and the effects of neoliberal economic policies, has forced Afro-Colombian communities in the Chocó region off their land. The author studies the lyrics of a collection of vallenato songs that affirm the identity of the displaced of Chocó and help create solidarity and consciousness about their struggle. She explains the ideological roots of the armed conflict between the state military, the guerilla groups, and the paramilitary units of Colombia. She also describes the displacement she believes is caused by specific economic development projects resulting from 21st-century free-trade agreements between North America and Colombia. She analyzes how the villanato songs bring visibility to an otherwise invisible group of displaced peoples.
