The study found that Creole and French-language media in Miami have a significant dual function for the Haitian community, "fostering societal cohesion and immigrant incorporation" while, at the same time, helping Haitians living in Miami to "keep informed about and participate in what is happening in Haiti." "We wanted to look at the Haitian media in greater Miami because the community is the largest Haitian community in the country and the second-largest national origin group in Miami Dade County, yet little is known about its media in the larger society." "In the first days of the catastrophe, they all went to English-speaking television, whether they could understand it or not," said Tsitsi Wakhisi, associate professor of Professional Practice in Journalism at the U.M. School of Communication and another co-author of the report. "The people were looking for on-the-ground coverage, while using their cell phones to try to reach people in Haiti. Once American networks stopped their coverage, they relied on Haitian media."
Examines the voting behavior of Cubans and non-Cuban Hispanics in two Florida counties. The group position thesis holds that status inequalities and perceived discrimination yield out-group hostilities that can influence political behavior. In Miami, where Cubans are dominant, we expect non-Cuban Latinos to report greater pan-Latino competition and that anti-Cuban attitudes will influence non-Cuban Hispanic voting. In Tampa, where non-Cuban Latinos live in communities where Cubans are not dominant, we expect lower levels of perceived competition and Cuban-related attitudes to be inconsequential to the vote. The results confirm that power relations in the local arena constitute an important influence on the political behavior of Latino immigrants.
"She's a storyteller and what she has done over the years is to bring Haiti's story back home," [Audra DS Burch] said in an interview. "She's an intrepid reporter, she's smart, she's dogged. She has an energy about her that really comes through in her writing. And she's humble." "I don't think either one of us expected the amount of death that we saw," [Patrick Farrell] said. "The flooded river had dragged these kids out of their homes. At one point, we saw 12 bodies. [[Jacqueline Charles]] was so cool under pressure, especially since these are her people. You could see the emotion was there but it wasn't going to stop her from doing her job." A TEAR FOR HAITI: A cousin's death in Haiti made Miami Herald reporter Jacqueline Charles understand even more the pain of a nation. Here she is being interviewed for a Miami Herald video documentary, Nou Bouke ("We are Tired"), shot by Jose A. Iglesias of El Nuevo Herald. Photo used with permission of The Miami Herald.
"I know he's looking down now on [President Obama] saying, 'Good job Barack, but you've got a lot more to do,'" said [Joseph Biden], who was introduced by the university's interim president, Sandra T. Thompson. "It's not merely the news reel, this is zeal," he said of the earthquake's impact on Haitian-Americans. "It's about their brothers, sisters, mothers and fathers." Of his visit to Miami's Haitian community, the vice president said his attempt to participate in an "off-the-record" visit to a church so that he could attend a Catholic Mass in Little Haiti resulted in Haitian-Americans demonstrating tremendous generosity, "even in the midst of their grief."
The CIA created a covert operation called JM WAVE which was based in South Miami. It's mission was to assassinate [Fidel Castro] and repatriate this area's Cubans back to their land. This undertaking had over 15,000 exiles on it's bankroll and had a budget of over $50 million dollars, which is worth over $350 million dollars in today's market.
Journal Article, Examines the experiences of Afro-Cuban immigrants in non-traditional settlement sites in the Southwest. Drawing on 45 interviews with Afro-Cubans in Austin, Texas and Albuquerque, New Mexico, the authors explore how respondents position themselves relative to the local Mexican-origin population. Specifically focuses on the implications of 'Hispanic' identity in these cities as a category that is heavily tied to Mexican origin, 'brownness,' and the suspicion of illegality. As Afro-Cubans, respondents face a different racialization process than many non-black Latino immigrants, in that their blackness marks them as outside the bounds of regional constructions of Hispanic identity.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
311 p., Focuses on conflict and convergence among African Americans, Cuban exiles, and Afro-Cubans in the United States. Argues that the racializing discourses found in the Miami Times, which painted Cuban immigrants as an economic threat, and discourses in the Herald, which affirmed the presumed inferiority of blackness and superiority of whiteness, reproduce the centrality of ideologies of exclusivity and white supremacy in the construction of the U.S. nation.
[Jean Louis]' photography's diverse portrayal of Haiti is why [Eveline Pierre] chose to showcase his work during the week of the internationally renowned art exhibit, Art Basel. "We just felt it was really important to capitalize on this time," explained Pierre, "to...give the community an understanding of who the Haitian community is through this artist."
MIAMI - Haiti Kids Foundation Chairman Jesse Johnson cycled into Toussaint L'ouverture Elementary School in Miami's Little Haiti neighborhood last month, ending his 4,000-mile in 40 days cross country "Bike for Haiti Kids" trip. "My hope all along was that people will be inspired by this ride to learn more about the children of Haiti, and get involved in making life changing improvements in their lives," said Johnson. "Even if people contribute only a few dollars, that money will make a difference to a child in need."
