The recurrence of violence in Haiti since February 1986 has generated strong demands for reforms to the security and justice system, in the broader context and process of democratic construction. Important transformations have been implemented, but certain factors have hampered change. Challenges include an institutional culture that resists certain changes, weak links between the police and justice, inadequate support from international actors, and a deeply constraining economic context.
Briefly, Haiti and the Dominican Republic occupy the same island in the West Indies, Haiti occupying the western part and the Dominican Republic the eastern part. ... after my year in the Dominican Republic I decided to go to Haiti as a tourist before returning to the U.S. I remember reporting to the embassy in Port-au-Prince to be briefed and to let them know where I was staying and where I would be going. I remember that the Caucasian male embassy employee who interviewed me was both curious and very amused that I was in Haiti to visit. I remember that he told me emphatically, "the only thing you have in common with these people is color." He proceeded to rattle off negative things about the Haitian people. I was shocked at his boldness but I kept my cool. An example of this is the fact that President Thomas Jefferson allegedly launched an economic embargo against Haiti when Haiti became independent, causing the U.S. and Europe to refuse to acknowledge its independence for decades. At the present time it is alleged that Haiti is the most depressed nation in the Western Hemisphere.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
212 p., Analysis of Canadian and US democracy promotion in the Americas, with a focus on Haiti, Peru, and Bolivia in particular. The main argument is that democracy promotion is typically formulated to advance commercial, geopolitical and security objectives that conflict with a genuine commitment to democratic development. Includes chapter "Polyarchy at any cost in Haiti."
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
239 p, Contents: Globalization, the "new world order imperialism," and Haiti -- Before Aristide : class power, state power, and the Duvalier dictatorships, 1957-1990 -- The prophet armed : the popular movement for democracy and the rise of Jean-Bertrand Aristide -- The prophet disarmed : the first Lavalas government and its overthrow -- The prophet checkmated : the political opposition and the low-intensity war against Aristide -- The prophet banished : the second overthrow of Aristide and the pacification of Haiti
In the current crisis, the voice of Black America has been inconsistent or hushed. While the Congressional Black Caucus has been outspoken in challenging the [Bush] administration on its entire attitude toward Haiti, there has not been a widespread outcry in our communities. Our voices need to be heard insisting that, one, U.S. and French troops be immediately withdrawn and replaced by soldiers from neutral countries, that is, countries that were not involved in destabilizing the [Aristide] presidency; two, the thugs of the armed opposition need to be immediately disarmed and the convicted criminals among them must be imprisoned; and three, The Caribbean Community or CARICOM should be used as a vehicle to move a national reconciliation program that ultimately results in free and fair elections.
The ongoing review of defamation laws by the Jamaican government has sharpened the focus on the need to identify appropriate standards for public officials in libel actions in light of the growing recognition of a need for transparency. This article explores how British, Caribbean and U.S. jurisdictions have sought to manage the paradigm shift between the right to reputation and the need to ensure responsible and accountable governance. The aim is to identify a path of reform for Caribbean defamation law that ensures greater public official accountability and better incorporates twenty-first century notions of democracy.
After [Jean-Jacques Dessalines]' death, [Henri Christophe] assumed leadership of Haiti, but the mulatto minority South set up its own republic under Pétion. Christophe committed suicide in 1820 amid an uprising over his forced labor policies. Pétion's successor, JeanPierre Boyer, reformed the two republics into one Haiti. Boyer ruled until his government collapsed in 1843 due to political rivalry. Until 1915, only two of the 21 governments since 1843 were not dismantled by coups d'états or political in-fighting. Except for agreement on the abolition of slavery, the state and nation were headed in opposite or different directions before the L'Ouverture adherents took over in 1804. The literature on Haiti, from Trinidadian C. L. R. James' classic book The Black Jacobins, to TransAfrica founder Randall Robinson's An Unbroken Agony, all tell the awful consequences of the "color curtain" in claustrophobic Haiti.
