Congressman Gregory Meeks who represents the Sixth Congressional District of South East Queens, home to a large Haitian migrant population, also expressed his concern about [Jean-Bertrand Aristide]'s removal from office and the role the United States, might have had in the affair. "I'm one who thinks that Aristide had some problems in the country. However, I believe in the institution of democracy and that we needed both sides to sit down pursuant to the CARICOM agreement," he told the Gleaner. Other members of the delegation who called on Secretary General [Kofi Annan] were Congresswoman Barbara Lee of California; Kendrick Meek from Florida; Donald Payne - New Jersey; Major Owen - New York; John Conyers - Michigan and actor and human rights activist, Danny Glover.
-, Do they know that the "democratically elected" president they are defending didn't abide by the rules of democracy? Do they know that he condoned violence and assassination, including that of journalists? Do they know that kidnapping for ransom were ordered by the chief to fill up his coffers? Do they know that Haiti became a haven for drug dealers under the watch of their "democratically elected" friend? It won't be long before the truth comes out concerning the crimes that have been committed in the name or at the command of [Jean-Bertrand Aristide]. The defenders of the "humble priest of the shanty-towns" will have much explaining to do about the new multimillionaire status of their man. Anyway one cuts it, it's a major scandal of corruption and embezzlement for a president whose monthly salary was $10,000.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
33 p., Warns that without an inclusive national pact on critical priorities, President Michel Martelly faces the spectre of a failed presidency, and Haiti risks international abandonment. To finally start the long-promised transformation, Martelly should build on the tenuous Christmas Eve 2012 agreement for a credible electoral body to hold much delayed Senate, municipal and local polls quickly. He also should bring key actors into a national dialogue on selecting the Constitutional Council and resolving credibility questions about the appointment of the president of the Supreme Court and the Superior Judicial Council, as well as on pursuing other critical short- and longer-term public policies. Figures, Appendixes, References.
Rep. St. Fleur and the panelists also called for a change in the Bush administration's policy denying safe harbor to Haitians fleeing Haiti for the shores of Florida by boat. In a strong show of support for St. Fleur's resolutions, representatives of presidential hopeful [John Kerry] circulated a statement from the candidate supporting the presence of a multinational police force in Haiti including police from the United States, OAS and CARICOM. The statement also called for U.S. funded training and support for Haiti's police force, the lifting current sanctions on aid to Haitians for health and education programs, and renewed pressure on international financial institutions to assist the Haitian government in confronting these issues. Kerry's statement went on to state, "If we hope to lead the nations of the world toward a more democratic future, we must act now to protect a fragile democracy in our own backyard."
"The change in government is not really a good change for Haiti now," said Roslindale resident Rosemond Cineus. "We have to follow the constitution. This president was elected for five years." "I always sent money, food and clothes," said Jean, whose aunts and uncles live in Port au Prince and Gonaives. "[Since the rebellion] we have to send more money, because everything is more expensive. They're hopeful things will get better, but it's worse in terms of jobs and food is scarce." "We didn't expect [foreign troops]," said [Jacques Victor]. "We wish that in the long run we can have our own troops in there directing them, but for now we work with them."
Within the framework of the vast campaign led collectively by the former Haitian president, from his exile in South Africa, his partisans and sympathizers as well as personalities and bribed organizations, in Haiti and abroad, to defeat the election process, is the stepped up strategy to have Mr. Neptune released. This strategy is entirely consistent with the logic according to which Lavalas would have no luck in imposing itself on the political scene if the next ballot were to be organized in a context where the high dignitaries of the former regime are called upon to answer charges before the courts. Obviously, the eventual indictment of Yvon Neptune, the highest Lavalas official involved in the crime of the La Scierie massacre, will without doubt also implicate Mr. [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] himself. The lawsuit, which would possibly be determined by the committing magistrate of Saint Marc, the jurisdiction which has the responsibility for handling the case, will put the whole Lavalas regime on the stand. Thus the doggedness to resort to obtain the "unconditional" release of the exPrime Minister by all means possible.
Although wide sectors of the Haitian population continue to doubt that the general elections will take place on the announced dates, in a matter of just a few weeks, the Provisional Electoral Council (French acronym CEP), even facing a blatant lack of preparation, is determined to arouse the citizens' enthusiasm for the upcoming ballot. Having remained on the sidelines for a long time, because they doubted the will of the former to set in motion a flawless process, the political parties rushed to get in line, cramming themselves into the building complex of the electoral body, as if they were in a real race against the clock. This stage having been finally crossed, the hour of truth has inevitably come for the CEP. It is almost incredible that we have arrived at this juncture, indeed, after all the procrastination, the bungling and the stumbling, as well as the tug-of-war which was going on freely within the Provisional Electoral Council. After this long journey, the efforts undertaken and the large sums of money invested, both by the international community and by the temporary government, in order to start the process, and accompany it up to this last phase, to allow the CEP to falter would amount to treacherousness, even to treason, which certainly would discredit the members of the electoral body both individually and collectively.
In spite of an acceleration of the registration process of the voters recorded recently, the 2.4 million registered voters, from a number of approximately 4.2 million citizens of voting age, continues to show a lack of enthusiasm. Such concerns are evident, in certain cases, by the absence of Voter Registration Bureaus (VRB) in hundreds of communal sections; or by the controversial creation of Communal Electoral Bureaus (CEB) and Departmental Electoral Bureaus (DEB). In addition, the dysfunction of the CEB and the DEB triggered protests from numerous candidates. It's also worth noting the installation of Candidates Registration Bureaus (CRB), on September 11th, which should have been functional since September 5th. Keeping in mind that the registration of candidates comes to an end September 15th, it's worth wondering what conjuring the CEP will do in order to achieve the registration of about 7, 733 posts to be provided for every party, on a total of 45 approved parties.
