African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
274 p., In 1915, American Marine forces landed in Haiti under the guise of a mission for pacification. However, they actually ended up occupying the country for a period of two decades, as they controlled with a tight grip its political affairs as well as its economic resources. The present study deals with the educational development in Haiti during those eventful years.
Argues that Haitians used music, and particularly religious singing, self-reflexively, in a culturally patterned way, to orient themselves in time and space, and to construct a frame of meaning in which to understand and act in the devastated Haitian capital. Non-Haitian observers noted with astonishment Haitians’ widespread use of song, but could not make sense of the singing.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
360 p, The development and functionality of the Organization of the Development of the North (ODN) is examined, concluding that its composition be modified and become a coordinator of action projects for the development of Haiti
Bender,Thomas (Editor), Dubois,Laurent (Editor), and Rabinowitz,Richard (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2011
Published:
London; New York: D Giles Ltd.
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
287 p, A season of revolutions : the United States, France, and Haiti / Thomas Bender -- Insurgents before independence : the revolution of the American people / T.H. Breen -- A port in the storm : Philadelphia's commerce during the Atlantic revolution era / Cathy Matson -- Atlantic revolutions and the age of abolitionism / David Brion Davis and Peter P. Hinks -- The achievement of the Haitian revolution, 1791-1804 / Robin Blackburn -- An African revolutionary in the Atlantic world / Laurent Dubois and Julius S. Scott -- Liberty in black, white, and color : a trans-Atlantic debate / Jeremy D. Popkin -- A vapor of dread : observations on racial terror and vengeance in the age of revolution / Vincent Brown -- One woman, three revolutions : Rosalie of the Poulard nation / Rebecca J. Scott and Jean M. Hébrard -- The 1804 Haitian revolution / Jean Casimir -- Curating history's silences : the Revolution exhibition / Richard Rabinowitz.; Explores, largely through illustrations, how three globally influential revolutions transformed politics and culture between 1763 and 1816, from the triumph of the British Empire in the Seven Years' War to the end of the Napoleonic Wars.; Time: Geschichte 1763-1815. 1700 - 1804
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
449 p, During the presidencies of Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson, the Caribbean was in crisis. The men responsible included, from Cuba, Fidel Castro, and his brother Raúl; from Argentina, Che Guevara; from the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo; and from Haiti, François "Papa Doc" Duvalier. The superpowers thought they could use Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic as puppets, but what neither bargained on was that their puppets would come to life.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
505 p., During the presidencies of Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson, the Caribbean was in crisis. The men responsible included, from Cuba, Fidel Castro, and his brother Raúl; from Argentina, Che Guevara; from the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo; and from Haiti, François "Papa Doc" Duvalier. The superpowers thought they could use Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic as puppets, but what neither bargained on was that their puppets would come to life.
Dr. Ron Daniels, president of the Institute of the Black World 21st Century and founder of the Haiti Support Project, has announced that the Pilgrimage of Hope Humanitarian Cruise to Haiti originally scheduled for Oct. 310, 2011 is being postponed until January of 2012. As originally stated, "For the Love of Haiti: Pilgrimage of Hope Cruise is envisioned as a "rollup-our-sleeves project," a heartfelt effort to lift the spirits of the Haitian people by making a contribution to building the new Haiti. HSP also hopes to link faith-based institutions and civic-minded organizations from the U.S. with various projects, organizations, and initiatives in Haiti to provide ongoing support for the reconstruction process after the Cruise.
Defender Staff Report Representing more than 1,400 McDonald's restaurants throughout the United States with annual sales collectively exceeding $3.2 billion, the National Black McDonald's Operators Association recently announced a $100,000 donation to the Red Cross for its continual Haiti relief efforts.
The head of Citizenship and Immigration Services, Alejandro Mayorkas, says his agency can't eliminate its fees, but it has the power to waive them for people who can prove they are poor. He has promised that his employees will treat applicants with a "generosity of spirit." This would be a refreshing change for an agency notorious for bureaucrats expert in finding a way to say no.
While helping applicants take their place on the line, Richard Champagne, current President of the Haitian Lawyers Association (HLA)stated, "This is an opportunity for the HLA and participating attorneys to give back to our community. Haitian immigrants have been suffering for a long time, and after the Obama administration granted TPS, it was our duty to assist. It has been a great opportunity to partner with the city of North Miami, given the concentration of Haitian nationals in the city.
A Congressional Black Caucus delegation, led by the CBC Chairwoman Carolyn C. KiIpatrick (D-Mich.), traveled to Haiti recently for a one-day visit as part of the group's ongoing effort to bring attention to the plight of starving Haitians.
"Congress has gone on record supporting debt relief for Haiti", the letter stated. "We now call on you, Mr. President, to use your influence to make sure that this struggling nation is no longer held captive to their past and is put on a sustained path to development". In urging [George W. Bush] to grant Haitian immigrants, currently residing in the U.S., TPS, the CBC said this would enable them to contribute to their nation's recovery and stability. Under Congressional rules, TPS may be granted when there is ongoing armed conflict, "posing a serious threat to personal safety". It is requested by a foreign state that "temporarily cannot handle the return of nationals due to environmental disaster" or when "extraordinary and temporary conditions in a foreign state exist which prevent aliens from returning". In February, Haitian President René Préval formally requested TPS for his compatriots living in the U.S. The CBC said while Haiti has made "considerable progress" in its efforts to recover from the physical and political damages of recent years, through its "commendable" rebuilding efforts and its recent democratic elections, its democracy "remains fragile.
In creating Scourge, a full-length work of hip hop theater, Joseph digs into his ancestral roots to tell the story of Haiti, the poorest nation in the Western hemisphere with a long and violent history. The piece's main characters are two Haitian-American kids who are torn between their Caribbean roots and urban America where they have grown up.
Bennie G. Rodgers left us recently. Bennie G. Rodgers, 86, longtime executive editor and columnist for the St. Louis American, one of the leading black community newspapers in America. Jean Leopold Dominique (1930-2000) was violently snatched from our lives. Jean Léopold Dominique was a Haitian journalist who spoke out against successive dictatorships. He was one of the first people in Haiti to broadcast in Haitian Creole, the language spoken by most of the populace.
This year's Miami concert is a continuation of this ongoing goodwill project, bringing together a host of internationally renowned celebrities, reggae, R&B, and hip-hop artists in an all-day Carnival event with food, arts, crafts, and a vast array of entertainment. Proceeds from the event will benefit the Wyclef Jean Foundation and be donated to charitable organizations. Proceeds from last year's Miami Carnival were given to VHI's "Save The Music" and Oeuvres de Petites Ecoles de P. Bohnen (through Fondation Artistes Creation, a not-for- profit Haitian organization). "Guantanamera," a single from "Wyclef Jean Presents the Carnival," featuring Celia Cruz and Jeni Fujita, was nominated for the Best Rap Performance By A Duo or Group. The following year, Wyclef Jean's single, "Gone Till November," was nominated for a Grammy in the Best Rap Solo Performance category.
He and his brother, Reagan Ulysse, 25, had been detained together until March 11, when Reagan was abruptly transferred to a distant immigration jail, leaving [Jackson Ulysse] not knowing where he was. But by Thursday evening a family friend had picked up Jackson and was driving him to pick up Reagan from the lobby of the Krome Detention Center in Miami. "That's what I want - to see my brother, to see that they let him go, I want to hug him," Jackson said in French in a telephone interview. "I'm very happy, and I'm going to church to thank God." The brothers' uncle, Virgile Ulysse, 69, a United States citizen who will take them in to his home in Norwalk, Conn., was also full of gratitude. "Thank the United States for Jackson and Reagan's release," he said in a telephone message.
BET's "SOS Saving Ourselves-Help for Haiti" benefit and concert telethon debuted live from the American Airlines Arena on Friday night. The event was hosted by Queen Latifiah, Sean "Diddy" Combs and Pharrell.
Denying Haiti credit where credit is due is an established tradition. In 1893, at the end of the century that started with Haitian Independence and the Slave Trade Act, the orator, statesman and emancipated slave Frederick Douglass told an audience at the Chicago World's Fair how Haiti "taught the world the danger of slavery and the value of liberty." He pointed out that: The world had a chance to recognize Haiti three years ago, during the celebration of Haiti's bicentennial. But once again, Haiti was penalized. On the big day, January 1, 2004, Thabo Mbeki, President of the most powerful African nation, South Africa, came to celebrate. But the former slaveholding nations, led by the United States, boycotted the events, and forced the less powerful countries of Africa and the Caribbean to stay away. Instead of sending congratulations to the Haitian people's elected representatives, the United States sent guns and money to those trying to overthrow the government. When the international spotlight came to Haiti in 2004, it was to witness the return to dictatorship rather than to celebrate freedom from slavery.
Despite the righteous platitudes of the American and French Revolutions, the idea of an independent Black Republic created through force of arms did not sit well with the powers that be in the Capitols of Europe and America. There was virtually universal agreement among the European/White leaders of the time, including President Thomas Jefferson, that the example of Haiti was a threat to their national interests - profiting from the slave trade and/or colonialism in Africa, the Caribbean, Central and South America. Therefore, it was imperative that Haiti be isolated, marginalized and rendered weak as a "Black nation." Under threat of a new invasion, Haiti succumbed to demands from France to pay millions of dollars in reparations for title loss of property (enslaved Africans and the plantations) incurred during the Revolution. The burden of this debt would cripple Haiti's struggle for development well into the 20th century. In 1915 the U.S. invaded and occupied Haiti until 1934, and has treated Haiti as a neo-colony ever sense.
Examines in the transnational conversation on the place of Afro-descendants in the republican nation-state that occurred in New-World historical literature during the 19th century. Tracing the evolution of republican thought in the Americas from the classical liberalism of the independence period to the more democratic forms of government that took hold in the late 1800s, the pages that follow will chart the circulation of ideas regarding race and republican citizenship in the Atlantic World during the long nineteenth century, the changes that those ideas undergo as they circulate, and the racialized tensions that surface as they move between and among Europe and various locations throughout the Americas. Focusing on a diverse group of writers--including the anonymous Cuban author of Jicoténcal; the North Americans Thomas Jefferson, James Fenimore Cooper, and Mary Mann; the Argentines Domingo Faustino Sarmiento and Eduarda Mansilla de García; the Dominican Manuel de Jesús Galván; the Haitian Émile Nau; and the Brazilian Euclides da Cunha.
Reviews several books which focused on the social and political history of Haiti. Haiti in the New World Order: The Limits of the Democratic Revolution, by Alex Dupuy; Building Peace in Haiti, by Chetan Kumar; Haiti Renewed: Political and Economic Prospects, edited by Robert Rotberg; The Haitian Dilemma: A Case Study in Demographics, Development, and U.S. Foreign Policy, by Ernest Preeg.;
"They don't want any more 'niggers' in this country," stated Cora McAlpin, a 57-year-old Carpenter, Miss. resident who takes particular issue with U.S. policy on Haitian migrants. "Did you see the people putting the little girl over the side of the boat and little sister knew to swim when she hit the water swim darling, swim to shore and you'll be free. I cried when I saw that, but I soon realized they are going to send the child back to that hell hole." "That didn't materialize because they didn't want us to do it," [Kenneth Stokes] said. Calling Haitian refugee holding facilities in Miami "jails," Stokes explained that conditions in "those camps rival anything you'd find at Parchman.
In this issue, we'll see why [Frederick Douglass] believed Haiti not only worried but scared slave-holding Americans. We'll also discuss why he believed Haiti is a country of "firsts" and his answers to critics that the country is doomed due to its roots in voodo. His actual words will be in italics. While slavery existed amongst us, Haiti's example was a sharp thorn in our side and a source of alarm and terror.
To honor our sacred heritage, to bear the burden and glory of our history, we must self-consciously resume our vanguard role in the midst of the liberation struggles of the world.
"I knew in some quarters that linking the virus to Haiti would potentially raise some concerns, but for the better part often years I have been tracking the virus from Central Africa to elsewhere-which is the roadmap for useful vaccines and other control methods," [Michael Worobey] said. "Whether it be Haitian men and women or homosexual men and women there is no sense in blaming a group of people for a virus we did not know existed. Instead we as a community should be extra sympathetic to those who are infected with the virus."
"That is the difference between the parade in Haiti and the parade in America. Here-it unites us," said [Wilner Auguste]. "I believe that if we can live with the idea of being united for one day then that idea can carry on throughout the rest of our days."
At the 32nd convention of Black Mayors, which was held in Memphis, Tennessee, from April 26 to 30, 2006, Minister of Interior and Territorial Collectivities Paul Magloire led the Haitian delegation. In the name of the interim government of Haiti, here is the speech he pronounced April 28, on the third day.
In fact, whenever I am accused of "playing the Race Card ", I always let folk know that I didn't deal die hand. It has been my experience that if you ask "why?" long enough eventually it will come down to race. And if it is between or amongst people of the same color, Class becomes the issue. But we can argue about that in another post at another time. With instances such as these it's tough to holler "race" because Black folk make it easy for White folk to say, "Forget it". I have heard Black folk say, "Who do they think they are? How are White folks going to raise Black children? They have no idea what it's like to be Black"! And maybe they don't . . . but they don't know what it's like to be Asian, Indian, Haitian or African either. Now I am sure there will be those who will read this and say, "My family adopts ... in fact, they adopted me!" and they will go down a list that reads like that fifth chapter of Genesis in the Bible inserting "adopt" for every "begat". And while that is good for that particular family, that family and those like it are the exception and not the rule.
Acc-, After the earthquake, I knew that not much would change in Haiti precisely because of the people's resilience. It was almost like a self-fulfilling prophecy. I knew that people would soon be going about their business as if nothing had happened. That's what scared me most for the future of Haiti. Soon after they could circulate through the rubbles in Haiti, Haitians were walking down the streets to their neighbors, some street merchants, were trying to sell the little bit they had from their businesses, children were still trying to wipe-clean cars for a few half pennies, "tap-taps" were fishing for people, etc. And that was life as they know it. That's life as those who can afford better think the people deserve and that's why not much is being done to make things closer to equality in Haiti.
637 p., Utilizes perceptions and attitudes towards the Haitian Revolution as a means to resituate party conflict and the boundaries of American nationalism in the Early Republic. The concept of nationalism is utilized in both the shaping of political culture and in the institutional formation of the state. As a result, the Haitian Revolution generated contradictory factional responses between the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans to the emergence of revolutionary abolitionism in the Atlantic. On a more popular level, the ordeal of Haiti engendered a fear of black militant abolitionism that hardened American attitudes towards the possibility of further slave emancipation in the United States.
Dessalines became a lieutenant in Papillon's army and followed him to Santo Domingo, where at first he enlisted to serve Spain's military forces against the French then he joined the "real" slave rebellion that was inspired by Dutty Boukman, a voodoo priest, and led by Toussaint.
After independence, many of the newly formed nations struggle to maintain their hard fought freedom, though there were many lingering colonial attachments; hostilities; and the difficulties that came with growing pains. Around 1789, the French Revolution was raging in France; two years later, a rebellion swept the northern part of the island like a massive tidal wave.
