The Haitian-American Association for Political Action (HAAPA,) headquartered in Brooklyn, N.Y., officially endorsed Ms. [Tamara Grandoit] for the New York City Councilmanic district number 46. After reviewing her platform including a question and answer session, HAAPA members decided to endorse her and contributed a total of $1,100 to Ms. Grandoit's campaign. If successful, Ms. Tamara Grandoit will be the first candidate of Haitian ancestry to be elected to the New York City Council. This feat is long overdue, given the significant number of Haitian-Americans living in New York City, and particularly in the Brooklyn area.
Haitians or anyone with an intimate knowledge of Haiti knows what a historic event [Michaelle Jean]'s selection is. For her, and for Haitians in Canada and throughout the world. We all know what an improbable and almost impossible choice this is for anyone, except perhaps for Michaelle Jean. Born in Port-au-Prince, Jean and her family fled from Francois "Papa Doc" Duvalier's regime in 1968, and came to settle in Montreal when she was only eleven years old. "I have come a long way," Jean told a news conference in Canada's capital on August 4th, when she was introduced as Canada's 27th governor general. "My ancestors were slaves, they fought for freedom. I was born in Haiti, the poorest country in our hemisphere. I am a daughter of exiles driven from their home by a dictatorial regime." "I think it's a fascinating appointment," John Aimers, director of the Canadian Monarchist League was quoted by the CanWest News Service. "Because of the astonishing range of work she's done in Quebec, she's clearly a federalist voice who will be listened to and respected."
The work of Haitian author Jacques Stephen Alexis is replete with examples of characters caught in the dilemmas of exile. The author focuses on Alexis's characters who go through a "true" expatriation, a movement out of Haiti and into another country, and considers how the various experiences of expatriation are represented, as well as how the presence of the Haitian exiles impacts the host country. Taking examples from Alexis's novel Compère Général Soleil, Monro argues that the Haitian exiles unwittingly, though inevitably, disrupt the illusion of oneness of national identity and culture and become a subversive force, creolizing culture in the place of exile, the Dominican Republic. This cultural creolization in turn is a threat to the monocultural, totalizing political discourses of the host country, it is argued.;
Within the framework of the vast campaign led collectively by the former Haitian president, from his exile in South Africa, his partisans and sympathizers as well as personalities and bribed organizations, in Haiti and abroad, to defeat the election process, is the stepped up strategy to have Mr. Neptune released. This strategy is entirely consistent with the logic according to which Lavalas would have no luck in imposing itself on the political scene if the next ballot were to be organized in a context where the high dignitaries of the former regime are called upon to answer charges before the courts. Obviously, the eventual indictment of Yvon Neptune, the highest Lavalas official involved in the crime of the La Scierie massacre, will without doubt also implicate Mr. [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] himself. The lawsuit, which would possibly be determined by the committing magistrate of Saint Marc, the jurisdiction which has the responsibility for handling the case, will put the whole Lavalas regime on the stand. Thus the doggedness to resort to obtain the "unconditional" release of the exPrime Minister by all means possible.
Although wide sectors of the Haitian population continue to doubt that the general elections will take place on the announced dates, in a matter of just a few weeks, the Provisional Electoral Council (French acronym CEP), even facing a blatant lack of preparation, is determined to arouse the citizens' enthusiasm for the upcoming ballot. Having remained on the sidelines for a long time, because they doubted the will of the former to set in motion a flawless process, the political parties rushed to get in line, cramming themselves into the building complex of the electoral body, as if they were in a real race against the clock. This stage having been finally crossed, the hour of truth has inevitably come for the CEP. It is almost incredible that we have arrived at this juncture, indeed, after all the procrastination, the bungling and the stumbling, as well as the tug-of-war which was going on freely within the Provisional Electoral Council. After this long journey, the efforts undertaken and the large sums of money invested, both by the international community and by the temporary government, in order to start the process, and accompany it up to this last phase, to allow the CEP to falter would amount to treacherousness, even to treason, which certainly would discredit the members of the electoral body both individually and collectively.
In spite of an acceleration of the registration process of the voters recorded recently, the 2.4 million registered voters, from a number of approximately 4.2 million citizens of voting age, continues to show a lack of enthusiasm. Such concerns are evident, in certain cases, by the absence of Voter Registration Bureaus (VRB) in hundreds of communal sections; or by the controversial creation of Communal Electoral Bureaus (CEB) and Departmental Electoral Bureaus (DEB). In addition, the dysfunction of the CEB and the DEB triggered protests from numerous candidates. It's also worth noting the installation of Candidates Registration Bureaus (CRB), on September 11th, which should have been functional since September 5th. Keeping in mind that the registration of candidates comes to an end September 15th, it's worth wondering what conjuring the CEP will do in order to achieve the registration of about 7, 733 posts to be provided for every party, on a total of 45 approved parties.
