We must continue to support one another for the future of our community. We need to see more African American leaders coming into the Haitian community, not just during election time but throughout the year. We need to see more solid commitment on the part of the Haitian community also to join different causes in the African American community. These are the only ways we can overcome in this struggle for equality. If we continue to treat our political interests as separate entities, we will never get to partake of the ftuits of democracy. Concerned citizens and political officials in both communities need to let people know that we don't have a Haitian/African American problem. I would hope that the Haitian community can realize that just because Mr. Duke, an African American, was defeated by Mr. [Joe Celestin], a Haitian, that Haitians are not "better" or "tougher" or "stronger" than the African American community. Likewise, the African American community needs the growing Haitian vote in the future. Haitian and African American people are one race, living through different cultural lifestyles. It's okay to have different lifestyles, as long as we respect each others' differences, without animosity or violence. For instance, the Latin community is comprised of Spanish-speaking people from different countries: Cuba, Colombia, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nicaragua, etc. Does anyone think that these groups are in complete harmony with one another? The answer is no. The different Spanish-speaking groups do not like one another that much but, in reality, when it comes to standing up for a common cause you see them marching side by side, taking pictures with each other and voting for each other.
Drawing on original case studies of police reform in Burundi, Haiti and Southern Sudan, this article demonstrates that developmental approaches to security system reform have more scope for application in fragile states that are not at war or involved in the War on Terror.
60 p., Explores the legal means by which victims of natural disasters could qualify as refugees and thus benefit from the power of migration as a tool for disaster recovery.
President [Fidel Castro] lashed out at Mayor [Giuliani] for excluding him from the posh city parties. "The Mayor says I was a demon, and a demon couldn't be invited to dinner. So I said I'll go hungry the first day in New York" and then Castro laughed and said he wasn't upset by the Mayor's snub because his social calendar was full anyway. He said a friendly and rich family and a group of businessmen including David Rockefeller had invited him to dinner. President Castro says the U.N. don't speak of it. People applauded the independence of the African Countries, Namibia and South Africa. You would have thought the United Nations worked a miracle. There was no mention of Cuba and no mention of the many Cuban soldiers who lost their lives in the war. Yet they spoke of the end of apart-heid in a glorious manner. Castro says when people begin to write history, they forget reality. That is the historical truth, says Mr. Castro and a lot of research should be done on this because they have these nuclear weapons under their control right now. Mr. Castro says Cuba was the only outside country to shed its blood against apartheid and against racism in Africa. He says he agrees all nuclear weapons should be removed. But what is a blockade? "As we were saying today at the United Nations that blockade is like a noiseless atom bomb. It kills people and children. There is no justification for a blockade."
What roles do Caribbean Migrants play in the electing of Caribbean American officials and can Caribbean Americans only win in heavily populated Caribbean communities? Have they become a force to be reckoned with as it regards politics? These and other related questions have been foremost on the lips of many as more and more Caribbean Officials are elected into political positions in their communities. The recently held elections seemed to have further the theory that that Caribbean Americans are strongest in these areas where there is a large Caribbean community, as two more Caribbean Nationals joined the list of a growing number of Caribbean Americans now in politics. Jennifer Williams's one resident of Miramar believes the Caribbean Americans have their best chance in heavily Caribbean populated areas. "It is not that they can't win anywhere else but in these areas their votes are sure. "More Caribbean people, regardless from which island they are from, would much rather be represented by people they can relate to and someone who they believe shares similar issues," she said. "Who better to know of the different problems we experience than a Caribbean City Commissioner and we expect that they will be there to help us resolve some of these problems," she said.
This study was conducted in two Jamaican parishes: Kingston and St. Thomas. Designed as a case study, the research explores top-down and bottom-up implementation approaches, as well as political model theory. What efforts make programs succeed, and what problems make them fail? The study concludes by highlighting five major findings and suggestions for policy implementation.
275 p., Racial ideology in Cuba, which negates the importance and effects of race and a racial hierarchy, gained significant legitimacy at the start of the Cuban Revolution due to increased levels of equality and the initial commitment by the Revolution to eradicate racism and racial discrimination. Racism was declared to be solved and race was subsequently erased from the public script two years after its triumph in 1959. This project determines (1) how the ideology of racial harmony and Cuban socialism join to create a racial ideology that often succeeds in reducing the salience of race for Cubans, particularly among the revolution's supporters (2) how this racial ideology affects identity formation, racial consciousness and racial attitudes among blacks as it interacts with visible racial disparities and (3) the trajectory that black politics has taken in Cuba.
Very few people have ever heard of the war between the Blacks and Mulattoes in Haiti. This was a war between light-skinned Blacks and dark skinned Blacks. Interestingly, outsiders who had a stake in dividing Haiti's victorious army engineered this war. The old adage of divide and conquer that was used and is still used. If the students at Howard University who devised the paper bag test had only read of the war between mulattoes and black in Haiti they would have been ashamed of their actions. Other African Americans immigrated to Haiti, stayed, and became prominent members of Haitian society. Hezekiah Grice was an Afro American leader, and a supporter of emigration by Blacks to Haiti. He was convinced that there would never be full emancipation for Blacks in this country. Outraged at the treatment of his people in America, he immigrated to Haiti, and became the director of Public Works in Port-Au-Prince.
Commenting on the sanctity of the family, the president delivers a clear message in the song, "Pap Divoce," for which his cabinet has already delivered an entertaining video. [Mickey] has taken note of the disposition of the nation's young in regard to Haiti's current state and delivered a very club friendly response in the melodious "Non, non, non". Presidential advisor Wyclef Jean makes a bullet-riddled entrance in "Men nou" that should have dedicated supporters either rushing for shelter or the nearest ballot box. Djazz La Vol. 5 is probably the very best effort this talented drummer/producer has ever released.
A critical analysis of Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s PBS documentary film series Black in Latin America. Explores how racial polemics are explicitly entangled with the politics of Revolution in Cuba. Adapted from the source document.
