Portuguese and Spanish slavers supplied the Americas with "los Negros," the Blacks. Only those young and strong, impervious to European disease and able to withstand months of torturous living packed in the cruel quarters of slave shipholds survived the middle passage. Those who arrived, stunned and malnourished, lost in a foreign land, were easy prey to the slavers. Removed from a world that had nourished them, left to the mercy of those whose own lack of humanity prevented the recognition of theirs, they were utterly dependent and at the mercy of their captors. Vestiges of racism threaten to dismantle further progress in South America, as they do here. The prophecies of Willie Lynch, a slave owner who created a divisive plan to keep Blacks separate by fostering dissent among them, are coming true. Lynch outlined the differences in physical characteristics among the slaves-skin shade, hair texture, height, etc. By playing up these differences, Lynch promised, "The Black slave, after receiving this indoctrination, shall carry on and will become self-refueling and self-generating for hundreds of years, maybe thousands." Throughout North and South America, Lynch's plan lives on. Color lines rule, with the predominantly European strains remaining in power, and those of darker skin and crisper hair texture continue to be oppressed. It is a chilling reality that echoes down from the brutal suppression of the native peoples of Chiapas to the continued repression of Mexicans here and in their own country, to the harsh discrimination shown the Blacks of Brazil and America.
Arbitrary detention of Haitian refugees should not be part of U.S. foreign policy. Minors should not be held captive, nor should any of the refugees be denied due process or the right to legal representation. In the past, all Haitian refugees were considered economic refugees. Today, even the president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, is claiming that he is being persecuted. While the U.S. Special Forces and the State Department are busy chasing Al Qaeda fighters in Afghanistan, on the island nation of Haiti, a powerful and deadly drama is unfolding. Mob killings of reporters and shootouts in broad daylight between mayors and congressmen have become common occurrence.
CIN TV, the only Caribbean TV network in the US, in association with Harlem Week 2004, is proud to announce the launching of the annual CIN Caribbean Lecture Series. The event takes place this year on Sunday, September 19 at the Schomburg Center, 515 Malcolm X Blvd., New York starting at 3 p.m. sharp. Hill's lecture will focus attention on the strategic role that Harlem and New York played in the making of the modern Caribbean, culturally, politically, and economically and the importance that Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) occupies in the history of this relationship. Garvey and the UNIA are a window through which to view the whole New York-Caribbean axis. Hill will also explore some intriguing aspects of this story that have been overlooked in asking - Why Garvey? Why Harlem? Why New York?
Artist [Guy S. Fleury] began to to paint at the age of 12. After emigrating to the United States in 1970, he painted consistently until 1974. Fleury studied Haitian art and history with notable Haitian artist Wilfrid Austin, known as "Frido." He also studied the fine art and is strained in art restoration and expert framing. Each of Fleury's paintings has a unique touch and it is very difficult to recognize his paintings unless you are very familiar with the painter himself. Fleury remains true to his images of Haitian subjects but not in a typical or traditional way. Fleury paints scenery of his native town of St. Marc depicting personage, way of life - the coumbite, historical events, spiritualism, traditional values, etc.
It may also have helped English-speaking migrants from the Caribbean that Florida served as a broad entry point for Caribbean migrants from Cuba, Haiti, and other countries: Where an area has a strong tradition of immigration, prevailing social attitudes are not likely to be as parochial as those in traditionally closed communities. Again, this is not to minimize the difficulties that particular migrants have faced; it is to acknowledge the fairly obvious point that some communities are less impenetrable for outsiders than others. A recent study by the British Cabinet Office has found that Caribbean women constitute a significant success story at the professional level. Specifically, for the generation born between 1940 and 1959, as many as 45 percent of the black women from the Caribbean, or who are of Caribbean heritage, now hold professional or managerial jobs, as against 27.3 percent of the black men in the same category. For the generation born between 1960 and 1979, 38.1 percent of the black women with Caribbean roots are professionals or managers, in comparison with 28.6 percent of the black men. These figures warn us that gender is now a significant factor in determining the prospects of Caribbean migrants to Britain, and they highlight the need for a broader examination of the factors that determine success for those who, in Claude McKay's words, may find themselves "a long way from home."
The genesis of these carnivals carries the intent of resisting on some level, by Caribbean migrants, the otherwise alienating conditions of life in migration, to "carnivalise" these landscapes with some of the joy and space commensurate with Caribbean carnival. Indeed, Caribbean intellectual contributions have had successful impact on the development of U.S., European and African thought. Still, the Caribbean in most imaginings, and in particular to those who do not know it well, is the place of "sun and fun," a vacation land devoid of serious engagement with the world. Caribbean carnival then is the climax of all those "sun and fun" constructions. Yet, there is a history and politics to carnival - a "carnival of resistance" beyond the outer face of "carnival of tourism" - that demands exposure.
August 14, 1991, will mark the Bicentennial of the "Bios-Caiman" ceremony which led to the general insurrection of the slaves of St. Dominique on the night of the 22nd and dawn of the 23 of August 1791. That gave us: the first triumphant anti-slavery movement. After 121⁄2 years of fierce fighting independence was obtained in Haiti on January 1, 1804. History perceived the ceremony of August 14, 1791, in a confused manner. They will also have space available for Vendors at the encouraging price of $25.00. Inquire now for spaces are limited. Planned Events 14th of August 1991: Conference at Toussaint Louverture Elementary School. Guests: Anthropologist, Ernest Mirville, Wolley Enriquez Ethnology, Claude Charles, Professor, Jean-Claude Exullien.
What is Eiery Furnace Films? A film production company established by a group of Caribbean immigrants, predominantly Jamaicans, to produce community based films about the real Caribbean immigrant experience in this country. Their films portray the peoples' stories in an unrelenting honest and straight forward manner. Like the musical works of their courageous predecessor, Bob Marley, there is no "sugar coating" to the message of why people are struggling, as their lives are vividly portrayed on film. There is one industry always flourishing in the "ghetto" - that is the drug trade. Who profits from the drug trade? the big "drug lords," who live nowhere near the ghetto. If the only available jobs are those involved in the drug trade, that is what some people will go towards out of necessity. The majority of people don't get involved in all of that. They work very hard, many with two and three jobs, to support their children and send money home as well. Kevin Porter is a producer and writer with tremendous talents whose creative efforts are responsible for the publishing of "Inspirations of the God Within" (A Book of Classical Poems), and the production of "Rasta-Life and The Truth," an award winning film on the contributions and benefits of the Rastafarians.
These articles mostly concerned [Castro]'s cracking down on terrorism and crime committed against tourists in Cuba. In reaction to incidents of hotel bombings, and in one case, the murder of an Italian tourist, Castro's government had passed a series of strict new laws to deter crimes that would further injure the country's leading source of foreign currency - tourism. One evening in Santago de Cuba, I was discussing the race issue with a few Cuban friends, among whom was a loyal Castro supporter who had fought for four years in Angola with the Cuban army. He argued that what was happening in his country wasn't so much a problem of racism as it was an honest attempt on Castro's part to protect the country's main source of revenue, tourism, upon which the U.S. embargo had made Cuba dependent. Although the once-again blatant debasing of my friend's civil rights incensed me, I did understand his point. Most of the tourists now coming to Cuba are from predominately white European countries, or they are upper-class whites from Latin America. Most of the tourists now coming to Cuba are from predominately white European countries, or they are upper-class whites from Latin America. Most of these white tourists come to Cuba with racism ingrained in them from their own cultures. In fact, it is unofficially acknowledged that a large percentage of the foreign currency in Cuba comes from sex tourism, which generally comprises white men drawn to Cuba by the lure of "exotic" mulatto women.
On August 11th, the Mayor will march in New York City's largest Dominican parade in Manhattan, which will celebrate the anniversary of The Restoration of the Dominican Constitution on August 16, 1863, when a group of patriots led by Santiago Rodriguez crossed the Dominican border from Haiti and raised the Dominican flag. The other two Dominican parades were held in the Bronx and in Brooklyn earlier in July. The reception included music by "king" of the merengue sound Oro Solido, children performing traditional folk dancing, and was attended by elected officials and representatives of the Dominican community.
