Examines Haiti's past, present and future sustainability based on a thorough cause and effect analysis of the country's current situation, research on relevant social and economic factors, years of field experience, as well as training and consulting for businesses, political parties and non-profit organisations. In addition to identifying the current major core conflicts of Haiti, the article also suggests solutions to various social, economical and environmental issues.
An editorial focusing on legitimacy sought by Gerard Latortue in the ranks of 15-nation regional body the Caribbean Community Caricom. Mentions that the United States President George W. Bush administration had installed the dictatorship regime of Gerard Latortue in the Republic of Haiti in Caribbean islands after the forced exile of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Also highlights the human rights violations under the dictatorship regime of Latortue.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
160 p., Chronicles the history of slavery in Haiti through a recitation of the brutality of the colonisers and the often mundane and trivial ways in which they attempted to dehumanize Haitians. It seeks to illustrate how Haitians' 300-year journey to freedom was illuminated by the African philosophy of Ubuntu, a world view that embodies human solidarity, respect, dignity, justice, liberty, and love. In this philosophy, Africans found an unmatched strength to resist slavery.
Examines the sources of domestic political will for intervention, particularly the role of partisanship, ideology, and public opinion on Congressional members' willingness to support US intervention for humanitarian purposes. Analyzes several Congressional votes relevant to four episodes of US humanitarian intervention: Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo. Finds that public support for humanitarian intervention increases Congressional support and that other political demands, primarily partisanship and ideological distance from the president, often trump the normative exigencies of intervention.
Within the framework of the vast campaign led collectively by the former Haitian president, from his exile in South Africa, his partisans and sympathizers as well as personalities and bribed organizations, in Haiti and abroad, to defeat the election process, is the stepped up strategy to have Mr. Neptune released. This strategy is entirely consistent with the logic according to which Lavalas would have no luck in imposing itself on the political scene if the next ballot were to be organized in a context where the high dignitaries of the former regime are called upon to answer charges before the courts. Obviously, the eventual indictment of Yvon Neptune, the highest Lavalas official involved in the crime of the La Scierie massacre, will without doubt also implicate Mr. [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] himself. The lawsuit, which would possibly be determined by the committing magistrate of Saint Marc, the jurisdiction which has the responsibility for handling the case, will put the whole Lavalas regime on the stand. Thus the doggedness to resort to obtain the "unconditional" release of the exPrime Minister by all means possible.
In the current crisis, the voice of Black America has been inconsistent or hushed. While the Congressional Black Caucus has been outspoken in challenging the [Bush] administration on its entire attitude toward Haiti, there has not been a widespread outcry in our communities. Our voices need to be heard insisting that, one, U.S. and French troops be immediately withdrawn and replaced by soldiers from neutral countries, that is, countries that were not involved in destabilizing the [Aristide] presidency; two, the thugs of the armed opposition need to be immediately disarmed and the convicted criminals among them must be imprisoned; and three, The Caribbean Community or CARICOM should be used as a vehicle to move a national reconciliation program that ultimately results in free and fair elections.