Last May, President Bush signed an Executive Order allowing the Coast Guard to immediately turn back Haitian boat refugees without checking to determine if they were fleeing political persecution. Before that, thousands of Haitians had crowded into unsafe boats to try to get away from their dangerous homeland. The U.S. tagged them "economic" rather than political refugees. "The fact is our government has turned a blind eye to Haitians," said Wade Henderson, director of NAACP's Washington bureau. I have a dream that I intend to make a reality. I'm calling on African Americans and Haitians here in Miami to come together to sit down, talk and work out a plan to help Haitians. But I'm also asking that Hispanics, Jews, Anglos -- everyone -- pitch in to help.
Amid the flurry of designations by the media, law enforcement officials, and advocacy organizations--terms ranging from "migrants" to "asylum-seekers" to "economic refugees"--one thing was clear. The people aboard that boat had fled desperate conditions for safe harbor in the U.S. What awaited them when they touched land was then, and remains, a matter of great contention. When asked about the implications of the designation "migrant," Miami field office INS public relations officer Barbara Gonzalez said that in the context of INS policy, "There is really no such thing as a migrant." She said, "Many use the word," when the correct terminology for what they intend is "non-immigrant." How about the terms "alien" and "refugee?" Amnesty International notes that the term "alien" has been used in U.S. legislation to describe various types of non-citizens, including those Amnesty would call "asylum-seekers." Similarly, the INS describes an alien as any non-citizen or national of the U.S.
One group of Black immigrants have become involved in the economic and political life of Miami, and their power is being felt in North Dade. I call this the New Haitian Revolution. It began on many fronts. I remember listening to some Black American men laughing-at Haitians because family members would pool their money to buy a home. Multiple families would live in the house, and then the families would pool together and buy another house. Eventually, all of the Haitian families would own a home. I wonder what those same Black men are saying now, when Haitians now own homes and their detractors are still renting. This was the start of a quiet new Haitian revolution. Haitians working together to improve their economic fortunes - a method employed by other successful immigrant groups such as Jews and Cubans. The revolution took place quietly, but it is now clear that there is a new power group in this community. Haitians have started successful medical practices, radio stations, law firms, and other businesses. They have taken over the politics of the City of North Miami, and are one of the new power groups being courted by anyone running a county wide race.
Another established Caribbean tradition runs counter to the claim that racism there is unusual and of recent origin. This is the tendency to account for a person's character by identifying the racial identity of that individual's parents. West Indians, quite spontaneously, account for each other's personality traits with statements such as "Well, after all, his father was white," or "His father was quite dark you know. In Guyana and Trinidad, one hears frequently that East Indians are by nature "cheap". Elsewhere, Syrians and Jews are, reportedly, successful merchants because of their "clannishness". The Caribs of Dominica are described as Creoles as "lazy drunkards", and the Caribs accuse Creoles of being "mean" and "immoral". Throughout the islands, Creoles who are dark are said to be less motivated for success, and those who are lighter are accused of being snobbish and too sober for their own good. Since independence, racial discrimination has been systemically condemned, and with a good deal of success. But racism (at least in the form of the belief that "once we know a person's racial background, we then know much about that persons' abilities and character traits,") is very much ingrained in the thinking of many West Indians. This style of racism has met with no effective challenge comparable to the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1960's. In the absence of racial segregation or the North American type of racial polarization, and with what scholars call the Caribbean "myth of racial harmony," most leaders throughout the region seldom address this insidious racism.
"We shouldn't celebrate a scheme that brought women from the West Indies to Canada and kept many of them under domination and subordination by Canadian families," says Ms. [Antonia Sealy], a founding member of several community groups. "Personally, I regret making the decision to come on that scheme," she says. "I had a comfortable life in Barbados and a good job in the public service, but I was young and I wanted to travel and seek other opportunities. Had I known better I would have waited and sought out a commonwealth scholarship," she said. Ms. Sealy says that nothing she was told before leaving Barbados could have prepared her for the life of "subordination" at the homes of various families in Toronto.
What roles do Caribbean Migrants play in the electing of Caribbean American officials and can Caribbean Americans only win in heavily populated Caribbean communities? Have they become a force to be reckoned with as it regards politics? These and other related questions have been foremost on the lips of many as more and more Caribbean Officials are elected into political positions in their communities. The recently held elections seemed to have further the theory that that Caribbean Americans are strongest in these areas where there is a large Caribbean community, as two more Caribbean Nationals joined the list of a growing number of Caribbean Americans now in politics. Jennifer Williams's one resident of Miramar believes the Caribbean Americans have their best chance in heavily Caribbean populated areas. "It is not that they can't win anywhere else but in these areas their votes are sure. "More Caribbean people, regardless from which island they are from, would much rather be represented by people they can relate to and someone who they believe shares similar issues," she said. "Who better to know of the different problems we experience than a Caribbean City Commissioner and we expect that they will be there to help us resolve some of these problems," she said.
