'It wasn't easy," said Jamaica coach Winfried Schäfer. "Costa Rica are a very good team. At 1-0 down, I change team. The goalkeeper did well in the first half and not too well in the second half. We still have [a] chance. Next game is against US in US in a month's time. We thank 'Tuffy'." Striker [Jermaine] 'Tuffy' [Anderson] hails the Jamaican crowd following the 1-1 draw against Costa Rica in CONCACAF World Cup Qualifying action at the National Stadium. Anderson scored for Jamaica.
Among the big talking points of the current immigration debate in the United States is the type of labor that should be admitted into the country. Many believe the entry of "unskilled" laborers should be severely restricted. Jamaican-born Eleanor Brown, a Reginald Lewis Fellow at Harvard Law School, is not one of them. Shortly after addressing the "Conference on the Caribbean: A 20/20 Vision " last month, Brown explained to Caribbean Today's Managing Editor Gordon Williams why more of the Caribbean's labor force should allowed to go overseas.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
311 p., Focuses on conflict and convergence among African Americans, Cuban exiles, and Afro-Cubans in the United States. Argues that the racializing discourses found in the Miami Times, which painted Cuban immigrants as an economic threat, and discourses in the Herald, which affirmed the presumed inferiority of blackness and superiority of whiteness, reproduce the centrality of ideologies of exclusivity and white supremacy in the construction of the U.S. nation.
180 p., The articles, lectures, popular and professional histories, travelogues, and ethnographies of John B. Russwurm, Samuel M. Cornish, James McCune Smith, Augustus Straker, T.G. Steward, Ana Julia Cooper, James Weldon Johnson, Langston Hughes and Zora Neal Hurston, stakes claims about the capacity of black people for liberty, citizenship, and self-determination. Current historians of Haiti's legacy must contend with the historiographies of early black scholars in order to fully appreciate the way the Haitian revolution was not silenced, but remained intimately present for writers and scholars trying to develop a unified black identity.
This article also included in the Papers presented at the Eleventh Conference of Caribbean Historians, held in Curaçao 5-10 April, 1979 (s.l.: Association of Caribbean Historians; 5 vols.)
"I think it's a joke," Miami-based Haitian business woman and [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] supporter Lucie Tondreau told The Times. "These same people talking about they are representing the industrial class are the ones that are paying people 68 U.S. cents a day for 17 hours of work. These are the same people who have just fired over 300 poor people without indemnity. These are the same people who over the years in Haiti have refused to pay taxes, electricity, who have not invested in the infrastructure, in the schools of Haiti, and today they are coming here talking about democracy?," Tondreau wondered. "He" (Aristide) "was at the basis of reinforcement of polarization," said [Apaid]. "He was prone to keep our country divided. He knew our mentality and rather than try to correct it he was accentuating it while making deals behind the palace door with the very people he was attacking. So there was a hypocrisy in it and it's just traditional political behavior. We want to go beyond that." While Apaid described the current situation in Haiti as slow with a lot of problems but moving in the right direction, Tondreau described Haiti as a place where people have no right to demonstrate without being killed. "We need the duly elected president back in Haiti," said Tondreau.
