Through informed presentations on immigration and the need for economic social and political on empowerment, Irwine and his partner, Attorney-at-law Winston Tucker, have established themselves as major community advocates on immigration reform and issues germane to the Caribbean community. In fact since 1995 Irwine and his organization have assisted in excess of 150,000 Caribbean nationals in becoming citizens of the United States. They single handedly led the lobbying effort for an amnesty for undocumented immigrants, collecting thousands of petitions at local events and even taking their call to the West Indian Day Parade in Brooklyn.
ATLANTA, Georgia: The Jamaican community in Atlanta, commenced a week long series of activities to celebrate Jamaica's 43rd year of independence with a Thanksgiving service at the Holy Cross Episcopal Church Hall on Sunday, July 31, 2005. Approximately three hundred Jamaicans and well wishers were in attendance. The sermon was delivered by Bishop Charles DuFour, Roman Catholic Bishop of Montego Bay. Jamaica's Honorary Consul to Atlanta, Vin Martin, read the Prime Minister's message. The first lesson was read by Allan Alberga, President of the Atlanta Jamaican Association and the second lesson was read by Tamara Cox. Union of Jamaican Organizations in Atlanta is comprised of Atlanta Jamaican Association, Atlanta Montego Bay Sister Cities, Benevolent Missions of Atlanta, Calabar High School Alumni Association, Clarendon College Alumni Association, Caribbean Sports and Social Club, Integrity Children's Fund, Kingston College Alumni Association, Queen's High School Alumni Association, St. Hugh's High School Alumni Association, Carilanta Players, Tropical Sports Club and United for Jamaica.
Mayor [Rudolph Giuliani] proclaimed Monday, August 4, "Jamaica Independence Day" in the city. He presented Jamaica's consul general to New York - Fay Baxter-Collins - and Jamaica's permanent representative to the United Nations - Ambassador Patricia Durrant - with a written proclamation of "Jamaica Independence Day".
"It's a complete tragedy, a complete disregard for human life," said Lemorin's lawyer, Charles Kuck. "Haiti is still an unmitigated disaster.'' In January, the moratorium not in effect will be lifted and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will resume the deportation of Haitian nationals convicted of crimes in the U.S. Lemorin's lawyers says that while his client has no conviction, he is being included with those who do. However, his deportation under the specific circumstances of his case would be highly unusual, according to legal experts. But his ability to remain in the U.S. is not the only issue at hand. He would be forced to leave his wife and their three children who reside in North Miami Beach. His wife, Charlene Mingo Lemorin, 31, is being treated for kidney failure and her medical condition precludes her from moving the family to Haiti. "Without letting us know they'll resume deportation to Haiti, at a time when Haiti is living under its gravest crisis, it's so unfair," said Marliene Bastien, who heads the Haitian Women of Miami. "It's supposed to be a progressive government. We're gravely disappointed."
Let me say this again: The Haitian community is not going anywhere. Instead, the Haitian community is looking ahead, to move forward to a better community. We welcome people from different ethnic backgrounds to come and join us in our efforts to move forward. If you don't want to or cannot help the Haitian community to overcome the economic adversity we face, at least don't spread rumors trying to create a false division between the Haitian and Black American communities.
-, [Joseph Lowery] indicated that he was decline the government's invitation because "more conventional means of protesting U.S. policy toward Haitians have failed miserably since the U.S. still greets the Haitians with clenched fists rather than open arms." "These people are imprisoned on military bases, politically quarantined and denied rights afforded other refugees," said Lowery, who went on to urge President-elect Bill Clinton to act "swiftly" to right the wrong and send emissaries to Haiti immediately to negotiate the return of the country's first freely-elected president, Jean Bertrand Aristide, as well as to set the stage for new elections.
Last May, President Bush signed an Executive Order allowing the Coast Guard to immediately turn back Haitian boat refugees without checking to determine if they were fleeing political persecution. Before that, thousands of Haitians had crowded into unsafe boats to try to get away from their dangerous homeland. The U.S. tagged them "economic" rather than political refugees. "The fact is our government has turned a blind eye to Haitians," said Wade Henderson, director of NAACP's Washington bureau. I have a dream that I intend to make a reality. I'm calling on African Americans and Haitians here in Miami to come together to sit down, talk and work out a plan to help Haitians. But I'm also asking that Hispanics, Jews, Anglos -- everyone -- pitch in to help.
Amid the flurry of designations by the media, law enforcement officials, and advocacy organizations--terms ranging from "migrants" to "asylum-seekers" to "economic refugees"--one thing was clear. The people aboard that boat had fled desperate conditions for safe harbor in the U.S. What awaited them when they touched land was then, and remains, a matter of great contention. When asked about the implications of the designation "migrant," Miami field office INS public relations officer Barbara Gonzalez said that in the context of INS policy, "There is really no such thing as a migrant." She said, "Many use the word," when the correct terminology for what they intend is "non-immigrant." How about the terms "alien" and "refugee?" Amnesty International notes that the term "alien" has been used in U.S. legislation to describe various types of non-citizens, including those Amnesty would call "asylum-seekers." Similarly, the INS describes an alien as any non-citizen or national of the U.S.
Examines the depiction of first-wave West Indian immigrants to the United States in Black print culture in the early 20th century. The authors conduct a series of content analyses of four newspapers that had wide circulation in the Black community between 1910 and 1940. Each content analysis serves as an empirical test one of four common hypotheses about ethnic differentiation between West Indians and African Americans: (a) the group consciousness hypothesis, (b) the racial nationalism hypothesis, (c) the radical politics hypothesis, and (d) the model minority hypothesis. The authors find very little empirical support for either the group consciousness hypothesis or the racial nationalism hypothesis and find only a modicum of support for the radical politics hypothesis. Finally, the authors find evidence confirming the model minority hypothesis. They also find that the Black press presented an accurate portrayal of the West Indian immigrants' socioeconomic advantages to native-born Blacks.
