"It was shocking to see the changes made," [Marleine Bastien] told The Times. "The U.S. does not have the capacity to detain all persons that make it to this country. This policy mainly targets Haitians." The U.S. Department of Justice released a statement which said, "Rumors of successful entry into the United States have fueled migration surges, and any perception of a relaxing U.S. immigration policy could cause future migrations at sea ... "Miami Immigration and Naturalization Services Chief of Staff John Shewairy said the revisions have been designed to deter large numbers of Haitians from migrating to the U.S. He told The Times that detention of the asylum-seekers who arrived by boat on Oct. 29 is an effort to thwart "smuggling" of migrants from Haiti.
Needless to say, it would take more than this short column to list all her accomplishments and all the legislative activities she had been involved in. Suffice it to say, however, she fought very hard, not only for her constituencies, but also for what was right. And this is the point that requires a reflective pause for the Haitian community. The Haitian community, along with some non-Haitian observers, has always felt that it has been discriminated against by U.S. immigration policies. Back in the 1980's and the early 1990's, there were many Haitian activists who took to the streets and to the airwaves to decry these discriminatory policies. However, none of the Haitian activists were elected officials. Certainly, the efforts of these activists were very important and sometimes fruitful in the context of exposing the inequality of these policies to the larger American public.
"It's a complete tragedy, a complete disregard for human life," said Lemorin's lawyer, Charles Kuck. "Haiti is still an unmitigated disaster.'' In January, the moratorium not in effect will be lifted and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will resume the deportation of Haitian nationals convicted of crimes in the U.S. Lemorin's lawyers says that while his client has no conviction, he is being included with those who do. However, his deportation under the specific circumstances of his case would be highly unusual, according to legal experts. But his ability to remain in the U.S. is not the only issue at hand. He would be forced to leave his wife and their three children who reside in North Miami Beach. His wife, Charlene Mingo Lemorin, 31, is being treated for kidney failure and her medical condition precludes her from moving the family to Haiti. "Without letting us know they'll resume deportation to Haiti, at a time when Haiti is living under its gravest crisis, it's so unfair," said Marliene Bastien, who heads the Haitian Women of Miami. "It's supposed to be a progressive government. We're gravely disappointed."
"[Daniel Beauxhomme] comes from the lighter skin mixed class," said Kevin Johnson, who plays Daniel. "It's the story of two different people from two different worlds falling in love. Fate brings them together and fate takes them apart. It's similar to `Romeo and Juliet.'" "In Haiti, it's very confusing. It's fuzzier than here (the United States). A lot of it has more to do with money and name than this," said Shirley Julien, who is Haitian. "And that's what the musical focuses on. Ti Moune means `little orphan' in the play. But, in Haiti it means `little person.' That drives the theme more because she doesn't have a real name. In Haiti every little kid is called ti moune." "I don't think that there is that much of a difference," said Julien, who is also the musical's choreographer. "It's just highlighted more. The division is put on us and we accept it. It's up to us to say `I don't believe this' and take time to learn about Haitians, Jamaicans and Trinidadians. Our commonalities are so much stronger and deep inside of us."
Let me say this again: The Haitian community is not going anywhere. Instead, the Haitian community is looking ahead, to move forward to a better community. We welcome people from different ethnic backgrounds to come and join us in our efforts to move forward. If you don't want to or cannot help the Haitian community to overcome the economic adversity we face, at least don't spread rumors trying to create a false division between the Haitian and Black American communities.
It's clear that most Cubans living in South Florida were those who oppressed the working classes in Cuba, resulting in the class discrimination of white Cubans against Black Cubans. Many of the Cubans controlling South Florida today are heirs to the chicanery, corruption, organization of crime and prostitution, and money laundering practiced by the ruling class when they held power in Cuba. Before the revolution that put [Fidel Castro] in power, Cuba was one big resort, the preferred spot, for the U.S. mafia to spend their free time and take a little vacation. Let me make it clear to everyone that I'm not a communist person and I'm not a member of any communist political party whatsoever. I believe, as a citizen of the world and a conscious Black man, that I have the right to praise anyone that I choose. I have the right to say that the Blacks in power in Cuba would not want the racist Cuban dictators in South Florida to go to the island and contaminate their nonracial environment. When they were in power during the [Fulgencio Batista] regime, the situation for Black people was deplorable. And now, any Black from Cuba who sides with Castro is labeled as a "Communist" or a "traitor". South Florida needs to wake up and ring the bell of freedom in the face of dictatorship. South Florida needs to let the Cuban dictators ruling South Florida know that the practice of censorship is over. We know the problem of the Cubans in South Florida. The real problem is not truly Fidel Castro, but rather the living presence of Black people in power in Cuba and the rapidly growing Black population in Cuba. Today we are going to sing a new song; the title of this song would be "We Know Your Problem". We have recognized the problem for years and now is the time to sing that song.
Let me get something clear. I don't harbor any ill feelings toward the Cuban community. However, it is unequivocally clear that there is pattern we cannot ignore. Even though it would not be fair to condemn a whole community because of the criminal acts committed by a few of its members, the official Cuban leaders need to explain to the public why this widespread conspiracy is permitted within the ranks of the City of Miami Police department. According to various sources, the majorities of the officers indicted are Cuban or from Latin background and conspired to commit crimes against the Black community. My fellow Black American, the proletarian people who have been committed in the struggle to change the status of this racist system, let's not allow the September 11 attacks on our nation preoccupy our minds and distract us from what is going on in our own backyard. Don't let the horrifying events in New York and Washington silence our cry for justice in our community. We are waiving our U.S. flag as a symbol of justice and pride and we expect Black folks to join the crusade and help fight evil abroad. In the meantime, on our own soil, Black people in Overtown, North Miami, Liberty City, Little Haiti, are suffering frequent terrorist attacks from Cuban Police officers. As certainly as we allegedly concentrate on our dedicated fight against the evil in Afghanistan, we must also focus on getting rid of the outrageous psychological behavior displayed by our Cuban police force against the Black community patrolling our community.
Toussaint Louverture was the leader of the Haitian Revolution. His military genius and political acumen led to the establishment of the independent Black state of Haiti. The success of the Haitian Revolution shook the institution of slavery throughout the New World. Toussaint Louverture began his military career as a leader of the 1791 slave rebellion in the French colony of Saint Domingue. He served from 1791-1803 and died in a French jail in 1803.
Last May, President Bush signed an Executive Order allowing the Coast Guard to immediately turn back Haitian boat refugees without checking to determine if they were fleeing political persecution. Before that, thousands of Haitians had crowded into unsafe boats to try to get away from their dangerous homeland. The U.S. tagged them "economic" rather than political refugees. "The fact is our government has turned a blind eye to Haitians," said Wade Henderson, director of NAACP's Washington bureau. I have a dream that I intend to make a reality. I'm calling on African Americans and Haitians here in Miami to come together to sit down, talk and work out a plan to help Haitians. But I'm also asking that Hispanics, Jews, Anglos -- everyone -- pitch in to help.
Amid the flurry of designations by the media, law enforcement officials, and advocacy organizations--terms ranging from "migrants" to "asylum-seekers" to "economic refugees"--one thing was clear. The people aboard that boat had fled desperate conditions for safe harbor in the U.S. What awaited them when they touched land was then, and remains, a matter of great contention. When asked about the implications of the designation "migrant," Miami field office INS public relations officer Barbara Gonzalez said that in the context of INS policy, "There is really no such thing as a migrant." She said, "Many use the word," when the correct terminology for what they intend is "non-immigrant." How about the terms "alien" and "refugee?" Amnesty International notes that the term "alien" has been used in U.S. legislation to describe various types of non-citizens, including those Amnesty would call "asylum-seekers." Similarly, the INS describes an alien as any non-citizen or national of the U.S.
