It is not uncommon to hear about how corporations bring investment to developing countries and even their willingness to address problem areas such as environmental contamination and child labor practices. But in some cases, corporations leave a trail of destruction of violence. The article highlights the Caribbean region of Colombia, where the construction of a mega-port has seen the displacement of communities and takeover of property and livelihoods with complete impunity.
This article uses the details of those who fled to Trinidad from the violence of the Venezuelan war of independence in 1814, 1815 and 1816 as a prism through which to view female agency in the southern Caribbean during first two decades of the nineteenth century. In particular it focuses on free coloured women as being able to exploit the poorly controlled edges of empire for their own advantage. Characterised by a self-reliant independence these women were at once highly mobile, independent and influential. These women have been marginalised in the histories of the region and yet this research suggests that they had a far more prevalent and powerful role in shaping its character and history than has been recognised to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR].
The aim of this study is to assess population dynamics, structure, and phylogenetic relations of the populations that inhabit the Caribbean coasts of Honduras: the Garifuna (or Black Carib) people, an admixture of Black Africans and Red Carib Native Amerindians. Thirteen autosomal tetranucleotide microsatellite markers of the DNA (namely short tandem repeats) were genotyped in samples from the Garifuna communities of Bajamar, in the Department of Cortes; Corozal, in the Department of Atlantida; and Iriona, in the Department of Gracias a Dios. Each subject in the study filled a questionnaire with the following information: complete name and surname of participant, and places of birth of the participant, his/her parents, and grandparents. We performed analyses that included determination of migration rates and residence patterns from information of places of birth, fixation indices from genetic data, and analysis of surnames of the sampled subjects (isonymy). Migration matrices showed a migration wave from east to west in the parents and grandparents of the subjects. A raise in migration rates and a shift in predominating residence pattern from neolocality to matrilocality from grandparents to parents were observed. Analysis of isonymy conjunctly with values for F(IS) in each community showed high endogamy in Bajamar, and recent, high immigration in Iriona. A dendrogram constructed with allele frequencies of the Garifuna and other populations from the Americas, Africa, and Europe revealed the close relationships of this ethnic group with Afro-Caribbean and African Populations. Am. J, Hum. Biol. 22:36-44, 2010. (C) 2009 Wilev-Liss, Inc.
Despite efforts towards greater poverty relief and neoliberalism, countries with hundreds of millions of inhabitants are not simply falling behind in a global march toward ever-greater prosperity: they are heading in the wrong direction, spiraling down on their own paths of retrogression. The cases of Haiti and sub-Saharan Africa are highlighted.
Studies of ethnic residential segregation and its impacts on labour market performance have reported both negative and positive outcomes for different groups in different geographies. We revisit the issue with a particular focus on the Bangladeshi minority in England and Wales using both quantitative and qualitative data to explore the impact of living in segregated areas upon their labour market outcomes. We analyse the 2001 UK Census Controlled Access Microdata Sample (CAMS) and a subset (34 Bangladeshis) of qualitative data collected through in-depth interviews with 73 men and women from Indian, Bangladeshi and Black Caribbean backgrounds in 2005. Our quantitative analysis does show a clear negative impact of living in segregated areas (i.e. Bangladeshi ethnic enclaves) on unemployment, economic inactivity and on the occupational returns on education. Qualitative material suggests that cultural and practical reasons very often lead Bangladeshis, including highly qualified persons, to live in enclaves or nearby. Also, ethnic businesses in enclaves appear to offer jobs to many Bangladeshi men and women, but these jobs are normally low-paid that does not require high qualifications increasing the risk of lower occupational returns further.
The black woman's body in the Americas, and in the global South more generally, vexes and makes visible different valences of labor: the production of commodities and the reproduction of bodies that become commodities. Situating her novel, Midnight Robber (2000), in a speculative future space allusively linked to Caribbean histories of maroonage and anti-colonial resistance, Nalo Hopkinson traces the relationship among the black woman's body, reproduction, production, and materiality. The physicality of bodies is productively linked to resistance against the coercive cybernetic strategies of the decentralized artificial intelligence network (the Nanny web) that biopolitically regulates the population on its new planetary home of Toussaint. In a final scene that promises investment in a material economy drawn from local resources and sustained by a proliferation of resistance narratives featuring a creolized figure who combines maroonage and carnival tactics, Midnight Robber imagines a new possibility for living that negotiates between Caribbean localities linked to material production and mobile, inter-planetary networks linked to discursive production.
Analyzes the prominent role played by first wave feminism and by women writers between 1898-1903 as the Jamaica Times articulated a broad-based, middle class nationalism and launched a campaign to establish a Jamaican national literature. This archival material is significant because it suggests a significant modification of anglophone Caribbean feminist, literary and nationalist historiography: first wave feminism was not introduced to Jamaica exclusively through black nationalist organizations in the late 19th and early 20th century, but emerged in a broader phenomenon of respectable, middle class nationalism encompassing Jamaican nationalism and Pan Africanism.