398 p., U.S. American literary and creative artists perform the work of developing a discursive response to two critical moments in Haitian history: the Revolution (1791-1804) and the U.S. Marine Occupation (1915 to 1934), inspiring imaginations and imaginary concepts. Revolutionary images of Toussaint Louverture proliferated beyond the boundaries of Haiti illuminating the complicity of colonial powers in maintaining notions of a particularized racial discourse. These productive literatures and art forms actively engage in creating the transnational ideal of diaspora as we understand it today.
An editorial reflecting on President George W. Bush's international policy. Maintains that 1) the U.S., Britain and France, the main colonist countries and monopolists of international trade at the time, imposed sanctions on Haiti when it became the first black republic in the world in 1804; 2) the U.S. introduced forced labor during a political crisis in 1915 to maintain high profit rates and left Haiti in 1934, leaving behind a deadly legacy and securing its rule over the Caribbean; 3) President George H. Bush financed a coup seven months after the first democratic elections in 1990, leading to a new dictatorship and more bloodshed; and 4) the Bush administration needs control over Haiti as it could be a stable base to launch interventions in Cuba, Venezuela and Panama.
Denying Haiti credit where credit is due is an established tradition. In 1893, at the end of the century that started with Haitian Independence and the Slave Trade Act, the orator, statesman and emancipated slave Frederick Douglass told an audience at the Chicago World's Fair how Haiti "taught the world the danger of slavery and the value of liberty." He pointed out that: The world had a chance to recognize Haiti three years ago, during the celebration of Haiti's bicentennial. But once again, Haiti was penalized. On the big day, January 1, 2004, Thabo Mbeki, President of the most powerful African nation, South Africa, came to celebrate. But the former slaveholding nations, led by the United States, boycotted the events, and forced the less powerful countries of Africa and the Caribbean to stay away. Instead of sending congratulations to the Haitian people's elected representatives, the United States sent guns and money to those trying to overthrow the government. When the international spotlight came to Haiti in 2004, it was to witness the return to dictatorship rather than to celebrate freedom from slavery.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
332 p, Focuses on the overlooked role that mid-level combat officers play in creating military doctrine. Mars Learning closely evaluates Marine civil and military pacification operations in Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and Nicaragua, and illuminates the debates surrounding the development of Marine Corps’ small wars doctrine between 1915 and 1940.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
332 p, Keith B. Bickel challenges a host of military and strategic theories that treat particular bureaucratic structures, large organizations, and elites as the progenitors of doctrine. This timely study of how the military draws lessons from interventions focuses on the overlooked role that mid-level combat officers play in creating military doctrine. Mars Learning closely evaluates Marine civil and military pacification operations in Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and Nicaragua, and illuminates the debates surrounding the development of Marine Corps’ small wars doctrine between 1915 and 1940.
The history of Haiti began with the historic defeat of French imperialism and the establishment of the first Black republic in world history but has degenerated into tragic maldevelopment under U.S. imperialism, including two periods of military occupation. Haitian literature, especially in novels written by women, reflects the racist and sexist oppression of the U.S. military presence in the Caribbean.
