21 pgs., CTs (Communications technologies) have revolutionized agricultural information services at every level in the agricultural sector, thus impacting rural development and catalysing poverty alleviation strategies. This has largely been the case with small-scale farmers in rural areas in developing countries where mobile technologies have penetrated more than most other ICT tools. However, in some of the farming environments, mobile phone use is largely driven by agricultural extension workers. This paper seeks to examine the way mobile phones are used for information access in situations where agricultural extension workers are a critical intermediary in the agricultural information services. Interviews were conducted with 10 randomly selected farmers who were part of the Dzindi irrigation scheme. The findings were that from the variety of information available to the farmers the most important source was the extension officer. The extension officer and the radio were indicated to be the most reliable independent sources of information. The other sources, such as the radio, family members, and friends, suppliers of chemicals, books and magazines, were only considered reliable if the information could be verified or vouched for by the extension officer. Increasing the information handling skills of extension officers, training of farmers to use smart features of their phones and promoting the usual face-to-face communication use of conventional methods, which is what usually gives rise to the mediation of mobile phones, were recommended.
Why is a change in the focus of rural development needed? Sinek (2009) pointed out that the first question addressed by successful entrepreneurs when establishing their companies is, why should the enterprise be created, what is the purpose of it? With the outcome of a conversation with an academic colleague in mind, that even scientific papers have a story to tell, the author has structured this paper in line with the 'golden circle' approach of Sinek (2009), namely asking why, then how and then what? At the beginning of her research career in rural development, the author examined the role of the European Union's (EU) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in Hungary, with special regard to agri-environmental management. As this research was linked to policy regulations it was in rather a 'top down' direction, examining the effects of selected tools such as agri-environmental measures, direct payments and the LEADER approach. The experience gained during this period (2001-2006) redirected the interest of the author to human and social capital. Examination of sustainability, resilience and system thinking has become a basic element in her work. Acceptance by agriculture that corporate social responsibility is a pre-condition for the licence to produce is now an established societal demand. Production methods that have regard for the planet and people as well as profi t have become a 'must' for the food industry (Slingerland and Rab-binge, 2009). The author keeps in mind the three dimensions of sustainability (nature, society and economy), in which nature creates the frame, the limits of growth, and society is understood to be part of it. Each human being, as an indi-vidual part of society, has his/her responsibility and has to understand the system he/she lives in. This is very important because, as Senge (2011) points out, people do not believe that they infl uence the future, while Johnson (2013), in line with Meier (2005), states that our future is based on how we as individuals live and talk today. In Hungary, human and social resources, which play an important role in the rural economy, show a great defi cit (Katona Kovács, 2006a). Appreciating the importance of human and social capital and their deficit in the North Great Plain NUTS 2 region where she lives, the author is look-ing for ways to increase these resources. This is the first and most important answer to the why question. Since 2006 the author's research work has sought answers to how human and social capital could be increased in local economies, as key factors for future development, even in the improvement of agri-environment management. Although there are good examples of changes generated through policy instruments, such as the LEADER pro-gramme (ÖIR, 2004), instead of trying to form or to increase human and social capital via 'top down' policy mechanisms, while keeping the importance of these instruments in mind, the author is looking for 'bottom-up' tools and participatory actions. This preference is based on an increasing body of evidence. For example, Dam et al. (2009) explore the transi-tion of societal organisation from heavy reliance on the state towards self-organisation by citizens in communities. They note that private citizens are increasingly expected to take responsibility for the direction of their own lives. The suc-cess of the LEADER programme also comes from the space it gives for bottom-up approaches, for partnership and co-creation. Based on the model elaborated by Lukesch (2007), Katona Kovács et al. (2011) examined, from the three modes of operation offered by the model (animating actions, struc-turing actions and consolidating actions), the types of activities of the Local Action Groups (LAGs) in the North Great Plain region. Their results demonstrate the importance of animating actions amongst the LAGs in the region. In this region the level of governance is such that "the ability of people to articulate their common needs is the starting point for many innovations ... It is the only point where we can speak about development programmes in the strict sense" (Lukesch, 2007, p.16). Today animating actions are the most needed operations in the North Great Plain region, so as to encourage different actors to work together and experience the results of common thinking. Dialogue about the common needs is an important first step to help the development of local communities.
Analysis of an online social microblog, Sina Weibo. Researchers found that "the poor and rich areas were more willing to behave immorally, and the relation between GDP and collective moral motivation was curved. Also, normal people were less ethical when prices increased than when incomes decreased. Ecological construction and the value added by industries which used more farmers and off-farm workers were both correlated with morality. We also found a dark side to science and technological innovation, which harmed collective morality when areas grew richer."
23 pages., Via online journal., This study draws on a culturally centered collaboration with a community of dalit women farmers in South India who were organized in a cooperative in their collective resistance against the corporatization of agriculture. Situated in the backdrop of the epidemic of farmer suicides in the region, this manuscript examines how those at the margins of global neoliberal transformations symbolically and materially make sense of and resist these transformations. The voices of the women farmers disrupt the underlying neoliberal assumptions that undergird the importation of cash crop agriculture into a subsistence and community-centered farming culture. They depict the ways in which Western cash crop agriculture disrupts community, food security, local health care systems, and the unique gender relations. Moreover, the communication advocacy work carried out by the women seeks to transform agricultural policy through material interventions as alternative practices of agriculture that challenge the hegemony of cash-based individualized agriculture.
