African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
247 p., Describes how black Cubans experience racism on two levels. Cuban racism might result in less access for black Cubans to their group's resources, including protection within Cuban enclaves from society-wide discrimination. In society at large, black Cubans are below white Cubans on every socioeconomic indicator. Rejected by their white co-ethnics, black Cubans are welcomed by other groups of African descent. Many hold similar political views as African Americans. Identifying with African Americans neither negatively affects social mobility nor leads to a rejection of mainstream values and norms.
In 2006, the Peruvian government passed a law that made racial discrimination a crime punishable by incarceration. This law, part of a multicultural reform in Peru, can be seen as an effective recognition of the reality of racism in Peruvian society. Such recognition, however, contrasts with official depictions of Peru as a country without racism, and of Peruvians as people who deny the existence of racism in their society.
Drawing on data collected during a 2-year Economic and Social Research Council-funded project exploring the educational perspectives and strategies of middle-class families with a Black Caribbean heritage, this paper examines how participants, in professional or managerial occupations, position themselves in relation to the label 'middle class'.
"[Examines] le développement historique et socio-économique des Caraïbes dans le roman de Paule Marshall: The Chosen Place, The Timeless People (publié en 1963), à travers la relation de deux femmes, l'une noire, l'autre blanche, dont les destins et l'héritage sont liés à l'histoire particulière des relations de genre caractéristiques de l'esclavage et de la vie sur les plantations." (Refdoc.fr)
Beauty is constantly lived and incorporated as a meaningful social category in Brazil and intersects with racialised and gendered ways of belonging to the Brazilian nation. Article shows how middle-class women self-identifying as black embody and experience beauty and how, through practices and discourses centered on physical appearance, they both reinforce and challenge broader social and racial inequalities in Brazil.
It is therefore in keeping with this understanding and resolve that we are hereby calling upon the black Prime Minister of Barbados, Freundel Stuart, the black Opposition leader of Barbados, Mia Mottley, the black Minister of Foreign Affairs, Maxine Mc Clean, the black Anglican bishop of Barbados, John Holder, the Black bishop of the Roman Catholic church, Charles Gordon, the black leader of the labor movement, Sir Roy Trotman, and the black leader of the women's movement of Barbados, Marilyn Rice- Bowen, to issue strong and forthright official statements denouncing the ruling of the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic.
Campinas: Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem da Universidade de Campinas
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
232 p, Cruz e Souza and Lima Barreto works evince similar strategies to face historical circumstantial challenges relevant to the end of the 19th Century. Concerning the racial exclusion processes enrooted in the preceding centuries due to slavery, the authors developed the collective trauma consciousness and its further consequences on daily lives within the poetical and fictional areas.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
Originally presented as the author's (Luiz Silva's) thesis (doctoral)--Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2005., 294 p, Cruz e Souza and Lima Barreto works evince similar strategies to face historical circumstantial challenges relevant to the end of the 19th Century. Concerning the racial exclusion processes enrooted in the preceding centuries due to slavery, the authors developed the collective trauma consciousness and its further consequences on daily lives within the poetical and fictional areas.
[Assata Shakur]'s comments highlight the long and continuing relationship between African Americans and Cuba. Black abolitionists such as Frederick Douglass and Henry Highland Garnet had actively supported Cuba's struggle for independence from Spain over a century ago. After the revolutionaries seized power in 1959, [Fidel Castro] made a powerful impression among African Americans by staying in Harlem during his first visit to the United Nations. Castro's famous September, 1960 meeting with Malcolm X, to the great consternation of the U.S. government, reinforced the solidarity felt by progressive black Americans toward the revolutionary government.
The mental health needs of African and Caribbean men is an area for public concern. A substantial body of research shows that these groups are disproportionately represented in mental health statistics. Eradicating the disparities in mental health treatment and outcomes for Black people requires changes in how these communities are viewed. Making services more humane at the interpersonal level is deeply important. Mental health services should build positive working relationships with black men and engage with the ideals they have of themselves.
Analyzes the situation of English-speaking African-Caribbeans in Canada as they strive to attain upward social & economic mobility. Census data, 1981-2007, and qualitative data obtained during 2004-2007 interviews with 90 African-Caribbeans living in Halifax, Toronto, and Calgary are drawn on to explored their employment and education experiences, along with perceptions of racism and how it has impacted their opportunities, health, and well-being.
"We're trying to work in compliance with the principles of Durban," Judge [Graciela Dixon], the current president of Panama's Supreme Court, said. "There's an emphasis on establishing the precise policies our countries need to assure inclusion for African descendants in Latin America." Late last year, Congresswoman Campbell hosted some 75 delegates from 20 countries who came to Costa Rica to attend the third Conference of Afro-Descendant Legislators in the Americas and the Caribbean. "I don't come from the activist Afro tradition," [Edgard Ortuno Silva] confesses, "but from the militant tradition of change. I admit that what has happened to me is that I overcame the problems of Blacks in Uruguay, of people of my skin color. And most people who have overcome no longer have a consciousness of being Black. But in my case, the political process I have been a part of made me aware of the African activist movement and I have talked with them and they have made me conscious."
Enrique Patterson, a columnist at Miami's El Nuevo Herald, recently spoke at Baruch College in New York City about racial discrimination in Cuba. Patterson, who is Cuban-American, said Cuban culture has a tradition of racism that developed before Fidel Castro and has not ended under Castro's reign. Patterson said racism is preventing a transition to democracy.
Explores the challenges that Afro-descendants face when trying to claim collective rights in Latin America, focusing specifically on the kinds of collective rights and modes of justification of such rights open to Afro-descendant movements in Latin America today.
Reiter,Bernd (Author) and Simmons,Kimberly Eison (Author)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2012
Published:
East Lansing: Michigan State University Press
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
314 p, By focusing on the ways racism inhibits agency among African descendants and the ways African-descendant groups position themselves in order to overcome obstacles, this interdisciplinary book provides a multi-faceted analysis of one of the gravest contemporary problems in the Americas. Includes Faye V. Harrison's "Building black diaspora networks and meshworks for knowledge, justice, peace, and human rights."
Jamaican author (of European and African ancestry) H. G. De Lisser's novel the White Witch of Rosehall reflects arrogant European colonizing attitudes toward savage blacks in early 20th-century Jamaica
The news media showed pictures of the immediate family and family friends. What I found amazing is that it appears that only light-skinned Cubans are trying to escape from their homeland. I saw the Cuban basketball team in the late Olympics. I have also seen pictures of Cubans in a television special one by Harry Belafonte. What I saw were dark-skinned Cubans having the time of their lives. It made me wonder, in light of what I have been told by African people living in Florida, that the light-skinned Cubans are more racist that some southerners. What is really going on in Cuba, and what is this Elian Gonzales issue about? The more I got into thinking this way, the more questions were raised. Why are most of the people trying to escape from Cuba light-skinned? Why are the majority of the athletics in the Olympics dark-skinned? The women's basketball team and the volleyballs teams were the bomb. They were some big, pretty sisters. I also thought of the Haitians. Why are Haitians sent back to Haiti and Cubans allowed to stay in America? They are both supposedly oppressed people. The Haitians are dark and the Cubans, who are trying to escape, light. Is there something more than meets the eye?
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
396 p., In 1804 French Saint-Domingue became the independent nation of Haiti after the only successful slave uprising in world history. Before Haiti explains the origins of this free colored class, exposes the ways its members both supported and challenged slavery, and examines how they created their own New World identity from 1760 to 1804.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
627 p, This study explores issues of race, racism, and strategies to improve the status of people of African descent in Brazil, South Africa and the USA. The authors provide in-depth information about each country, together with analyses of cross-cutting themes;
"You must understand that we are very different in Cuba," insisted Gabriel Molina Franchossi, director of Gramma newspaper, the official organ of the communist party in Cuba. "To Afro-Cubans, big lips and big backsides are objects of beauty. To us, such images represent the feminine ideal." Afro Cubans also seem naive. Cubans are fond of saying that Fidel Castro abolished racism when he came into power 40 years ago, as though this can be accomplished by a simple decree. What they really mean, of course, is that Castro outlawed discrimination And again, who am I to say he hasn't? In the United States, discrimination didn't become illegal until the mid-60s when Congress passed a series of civil rights laws effecting voting rights, equal employment, and fair housing. By 1968, Richard Nixon was ending a wave of white backlash into power and the process of undermining those gains began. Blacks appear to have had a different experience in Cuba, where better than 40 percent of the population is either Black or mestizo (mixed) and where a fair percentage of those who are considered "white" acknowledge some degree of African or mestizo blood in their heritage. "We in Cuba are not so easily categorized as in the United States," said Reynaldo Calviac Lafferte, director of the International Press Center. He pointed to a wall in his office. "In the same family, there are some who are as white as that wall." Then he slapped his patent leathers. "And there are some who are as black as my shoes. For us, race is not an issue like it is for you."
"I don't want to look arrogant, especially with [Cornel West]. But I believe he sat on the side of something he doesn't actually know," [Nancy Morejon] said of the open letter West and 59 other African Americans sent to Cuban President Raul Castro late last year. In it, they accused his government of mistreating civil rights activists and a "callous disregard" for its Black population. "Yes, there is racism in Cuba," Tomas Fernandez Robaina, a prolific writer about the social condition of Black Cubans, told me. The country "engaged in romanticism" when Castro ordered an end to racial discrimination nearly a half-century ago, Fernandez said. "Now we understand it will take more than goodwill to get rid of it, something Americans should know better than Cubans."
"What strikes you, your racism or me?" one of the female demonstrators wrote on her chest during the protest timed to coincide with Rio Fashion Week. "If we are buying clothes, why can't we parade in the (fashion) shows," asked a 15-year-old model taking part in the protest. "Does that mean that only white women can sell and the rest of us can only buy?" "Claiming to showcase Brazilian fashion without the real Brazilians amounts to showing Brazilian fashion (only) with white models," said Jose Flores, a 25-yearold former model who now works in advertising.
Presents an account of African Caribbean men and women's beliefs and perceptions about the barriers of practicing a healthy lifestyle, focusing specifically on the effects of social exclusion, racism and ethnic identity.
203 p., This research sterns from twelve months of ethnographic research with Haitian migrant women who reside in Batey Sol , a former sugar-company labor camp located along the Línea Noroeste (northwest line) linking the Dominican Rebulic's border town of Dajabón with the urban center of Santiago. The multi-sited study considers the larger network of political, social, and economic structures and relations of power in which these women are positioned in their daily lives and through their livelihoods as market women.
Reiter,Bernd (Editor) and Mitchell,Gladys L. (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2010
Published:
Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
251 p., Tackles issues ranging from white privilege to black power, from government policy to popular advocacy, and from historical injustices to recent victories. Includes Gladys L. Mitchell's "Politicizing blackness : Afro-Brazilian color identification and candidate preference," Angela Figueiredo's "Out of place : the experience of the black middle class," Mónica Treviño González's "Opportunities and challenges for the Afro-Brazilian movement," Keisha-Khan Y. Perry's "Racialized history and urban politics : black women's wisdom in grassroots struggles," Sales Augusto dos Santos' "Black NGOs and 'conscious' rap : new agents of the antiracism struggle in Brazil," Fernando Conceição's "Power and black organizing in Brazil," and Renato Emerson dos Santos' "New social activism : university entry courses for black and poor students."
[By the way [Anthony Morgan], in another University publication you're quoted as saying: "I think the bigger issue is how little we know about the history and historical contributions of Jamaicans." Well, the issue is way bigger than Jamaica; it's a "race" issue, targeting and ridiculing Black people, all of whom are people of African descent, sons and daughters of slaves.] So those students, froshers, "...were just having fun," eh? There was "nò mal-intent?" according to director [Michel Patry]. Surely they could've found another and more interesting and humanly innocuous way to have (even more) fun. The blackface skit is a sad cliché, it's passé, plus it's not funny. Except for [White] people as they seek ways to fulfill their final stage of life: their pursuit of happiness, by any means. It serves us right; it's the 'house divided' maxim. We are fractured from pulling in so many directions. We lack cohesion and the essential elements that hold people together to secure a strong !foundation. We've long cut the ties that bind, so it's very easy for people to have their way with us.
Paula,Marilene de (Author), Heringer,Rosana (Author), and Arruti,José Maurício A. (Author)
Format:
Book, Edited
Language:
Portuguese
Publication Date:
2009
Published:
Rio de Janeiro, Brasil: Heinrich Böll Stiftung : Actionaid
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
292 p., Contents: Evolução e contexto atual das políticas públicas no Brasil : educação, desigualdade e reconhecimento / Valter Roberto Silvério -- Limites e possibilidades da implementação da lei 10.639/03 no contexto das políticas públicas em educação / Nilma Lino Gomes -- Políticas públicas para quilombos : terra, saúde e educação / José Maurício Arruti -- Mulheres negras brasileiras e os resultados de Durban / Jurema Werneck -- Análise das principais políticas de inclusão de estudantes negros no ensino superior no Brasil no período 2001-2008 / Rosana Heringer e Renato Ferreira -- Direitos, cidadania e reparações pelos erros do passado escravista : perspectivas do movimento negro no Brasil / Francine Saillant -- Política negra e democracia no Brasil contemporâneo : reflexões sobre os movimentos negros / Marcio André de O. dos Santos -- Construção e desconstrução do silêncio : reflexões sobre o racismo e o antirracismo na sociedade brasileira / Átila Roque -- Negro drama / Silvia Ramos.
The concept of a unified African-Caribbean community or identity is a modern construction in that it emerged in its present guise during the second half of the twentieth century. Prior to this, the identity politics of the ‘black’ people from this region were largely polarized. They were frequently divided along lines of island identities (Jamaica, Barbados, St Kitts etc.). Focusing on the period between 1970 and 1979, this article sketches out the ways in which the black experience within local-level football also contributed to identity change among a particular group of young sportsmen in Leicester.
"Adopting an approach shaped by critical race theory the paper proposes a radical analysis of the nature of race inequality in the English educational system. Focusing on the relative achievements of White school leavers and their Black (African Caribbean) peers, it is argued that long standing Black/White inequalities have been obscured by a disproportionate focus on students in receipt of free school meals." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR];
"This article investigates the efficacy of community organizing by African Caribbean migrants in Toronto, Ontario. The author argues that community organizing was an instinctive initiative of African Caribbean people. Historically, Black community organizational agenda, although owing much to its own resourcefulness and fortitude, was intimately connected to the influence and strength of the larger White population. Racism and social exclusions were the major external factors influencing the majority of African Caribbean institutional building." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR];
The article reports on a conference on the history of the Caribbean and Atlantic Ocean regions, held in Berlin, Germany, from July 2-3, 2012. Topics of discussion included creole and African diasporic identities, racism, nationalism, and ethnic relations in Caribbean states such as Cuba, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic, and migration.
Visibly black people of African and African-Caribbean descent (black people) are 2-5 times more likely to be diagnosed with schizophrenia and other psychoses than their counterparts from other ethnic minorities in the United Kingdom. However, the symptomology of psychotic illnesses and dissociative experiences are difficult to differentiate. Interestingly, black people detained under the Mental Health Act are more likely to give perceived racism as the cause of their emotional distress than their counterparts from other ethnic groups, but there is very little indication in the literature as to how perceived racism might exert its effect on black people's mental health.
-, An editorial asserts that the Chicago Defender joins the Congressional Black Caucus, the Miami Branch of the NAACP and Rep Carrie Meek in denouncing a Bush administration directive requiring INS officials to arbitrarily detain Haitian refugees seeking asylum in the US.
Peach,Ceri (Editor), Robinson,Vaughan (Editor), and Smith,Susan (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
1981
Published:
Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Journal Title Details:
p. 258
Notes:
Contents: Urban segregation and inner city policy in Great Britain / John Rex -- Ethnic segregation, social reality and academic myth / Nathan Kantrowitz -- An asymmetrical approach to segregation / Stanley Lieberson -- A demographic perspective on school desegregation in the USA / Karl E. Taeuber ... [et al.] -- Paradoxes of the Puerto Rican segregation in New York / Peter Jackson -- The Black professional and residential segregation in the American city / Harold M. Rose -- The development of South Asian settlement in Britain and the myth of return / Vaughan Robinson -- Business development and self-segregation, Asian enterprise in three British cities / Howard E. Aldrich ... [et al.] -- Ethnic segregation and ethnic intermarriage / Ceri Peach -- Social status, the market, and ethnic segregation / Robin Ward and Ronald Sims -- Ethnic residential segregation, ethnic mixing, and resource conflict, a study in Belfast, Northern Ireland / F.W. Boal.
Journal Article, This study utilized qualitative inquiry to investigate the role of ethnic-racial socialization messages on ethnic and racial identity development among second-generation Haitians. The data were reviewed for emergent themes, as well as themes present in the ethnic-racial socialization and identity literature. Participants reported receiving positive messages (i.e., Cultural Socialization, Mainstream Socialization, and Preparation for Bias messages) directed at their ethnic groups in the home context and negative messages (i.e., Promotion of Mistrust and discriminatory messages) about their racial group in the home, peer, and societal contexts.
162 p., The Dominican Republic (DR) and Haiti are two Caribbean countries that share the same island, Hispaniola , and a tumultuous history. Both countries' historical relationship is ridden with geopolitical conflict stemming from the DR creating an unwelcoming environment for Haitian immigrants. This dissertation investigates how Dominican thinkers play a significant role in creating the intellectual impetus that encourages anti-Haitian sentiment throughout Dominican society in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. Examines how Dominican anti-Haitian ideals, as delineated by Dominican nationalist intellectuals, continue to resonate amongst "everyday" Dominicans and within the recently amended 2010 Dominican constitution that denies citizenship to Dominicans of Haitian descent in the aftermath of the earthquake.
Investigates the interface between gender, color/race and public health in Brazil, focusing on the importance of reproductive health for the formation of a black feminism in the country, between the years 1975 to 1993.
Cobas,José A. (Editor), Duany,Jorge (Editor), and Feagin,Joe R. (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2009
Published:
Boulder: Paradigm
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
254 p., Includes Jorge Duany's "Racializing ethnicity in the Spanish-speaking Caribbean : a comparison of Haitians in the Dominican Republic and Dominicans in Puerto Rico."
México, D.F.: Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Históricos
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
227 p., Contents: Consideraciones preliminares -- Conflictos entre normas y prácticas -- Pequeños roces cotidiannos -- Imágenes construidas en la frontera de las normas -- La literatura y la iconografía : comicidad, exotismo, devoción -- Consideraciones finales.
Uses data on both region and country of birth for black immigrants in the United States and methodology that allows for the identification of arrival cohorts to test whether there are sending country differences in the health of black adults in the United States. Results show that African immigrants maintain their health advantage over U.S.-born black adults after more than 20 years in the United States. In contrast, black immigrants from the Caribbean who have been in the United States for more than 20 years appear to experience some downward health assimilation.
In this, he's not unlike his counterparts in the United States, where black people also have an extensive vocabulary to describe variations in skin tone. In the United States, one can be "high yellow" (i.e., of very light skin); one can be "red" (i.e., with a reddish tint; one of Malcolm X's early nicknames was "Detroit Red"); or one can be any of a number of synonyms for dark. Like, for instance, "Smokey." In fact, the famous (and "high yellow") Motown singer William Robinson was given that nickname in affectionate irony by one of his father's friends - sort of like calling a fat guy Tiny. The same is not true in Brazil. And if the United States is a country where black people with light skin used to sometimes "pass," i.e., pretend to be white, well, in this country "passing is a national institution." So says Elisa Nascimento with a laugh. She is white, American-born and the wife of Abdias do Nascimento, a 90-year-old black Brazilian artist and political icon. And the insistence of some Brazilian blacks on "passing," she says, has political consequences in that it tends to distort statistics on black life. "The way racism works in Brazil . . . there is a hierarchy, and so people tend to identify themselves lighter than they necessarily would be." "It was a rough time," she says in her imperfect English. "For me, was impossible to live there. We could not be married. Why I married with a black guy, you know? So when I say to you that Brazil was different . . . even my first husband didn't think of himself as black. In Brazil, he was a Brazilian, even though he was black. He never thought of himself as someone different from me because he was another color."
Blacks comprise almost half of the country's population, but only 2.2 percent of its college community is Black. Blacks hold none of Brazil's top ministerial positions in government. More than two-thirds of Brazil's poor are Black and whites earn double what Blacks earn.
Afro-descendant civil society organizations in Latin America have pursued an important strand of advocacy on reforming national censuses. The aim has been to increase the visibility of Afro-descendant populations through disaggregated data and thus to improve recognition of their distinct identity. Brazil is leading the way on such data collection while other countries are taking first steps, like Argentina and Chile.
A brief overview of London's carnival and its beginnings in the late 1950s. Claudia Jones committed herself to both the culture and political underpinning of Caribbean carnival when she founded the event. London's West Indian community embraced carnival as an important source of celebration and cultural identity in the face of racist intimidation in Britain. The essay explores various difficulties that black British artists face gaining recognition, particularly those who work in carnival.
Princeton University Library Latin American microfilm collection (Author)
Format:
Microfilm
Language:
Spanish
Publication Date:
2009
Published:
Woodbridge, CT: GALE, Cengage Learning
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
From the holdings of the Firestone Library, Princeton University, based on the original inventory prepared by the library staff., 2 microfilm reels., Collection of Peruvian ephemera contains flyers, pamphlets, and reports, as well as magazines and serials. The publications reflect the cultural reality of Peru's ethnic minority groups in the years between 1982 and 2008 and address a variety of subjects from indigenous rights movements and local handicrafts to everyday discriminatory practices. Contents include: Part 1. Afro-Peruvian peoples -- pt. 2. Amazonian peoples -- pt. 3. Andean peoples -- pt. 4. Arts and crafts -- pt. 5. Legal rights and reforms -- pt. 6. Pan-ethnic and indigenista issues -- pt. 7. Racism and discrimination.
I am referring to prejudice against those who are both Latino and black, whose ancestors arrived on Spanish or Portuguese Slave ships. Living in Los Angeles, it might be easy to think that most Latinos are brown-skinned and of Mexican descent; after all, the majority of our city's Latino population identify as Mexican. Latin American scholars and historians agree that about 95 percent of the Africans forcibly brought to the Americas were bought to what is now Latin America. They are concentrated in the Caribbean, Colombia and Brazil, where half of the population is of African ancestry. And many dark-skinned Latinos also live in the United States. A black Latina wrote recently in Hispanic Magazine that Latinos see blackness as a liability in this country because the Latino community seems to be perpetuating the long-standing racism in South America. In Peru, blacks are sill being used as ornamental images ... chauffeurs valets and servants and blacks in Brazil are still considered marginal members of society. And it was reported that "Batista's skin was not pink enough to gain membership to some Cuban elite clubs."
Boadas,Aura Marina (Author) and Fernández Merino,Mireya (Author)
Format:
Book, Whole
Publication Date:
1999
Published:
Caracas: Asociación Venezolana de Estudios del Caribe, AVECA : Fundación Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanas Rómulo Gallegos, CELARG
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
El libro, compilado por Aura Marina Boada y Mireya Fernández Merino, posee interesantes aportes necesarios para entender la diversidad étnica en el Caribe y la participación negra en ella.(www.funredes.org);
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
255 p., The collapse and disappearance of the Soviet Union implied many transformations in the Cuban society, which altered the traditional construction of identity within the frame of the nation-state. It is in that context where alternative new discourses on "race", racism and negritude emerged. The representation of the afro-descendent in the novels of the 1990's and 2000's poses enormous interest since the literary text has been one of the spaces where identity markers have been renegotiated. This dissertation explores how social discourses on cubanidad and negritude have an effect on the writers Eliseo Altunaga and Marta Rojas and their literary production.
347 p., Historically, the integration of European immigrants and their children into U.S. society has been signified by their ability to assimilate into White middle-class society and enjoy the advantages of upward mobility. However, similar privileges are not experienced by immigrants of color; most often these groups assume a minority status in the United States, which (i) creates socio-economic impediments in their journey toward upward mobility and (ii) destabilizes their deeply embedded notions of self and identity. Within this social dilemma, 1.5 and second generation U.S.-born children of Caribbean immigrants occupy a distinctive and theoretically-valuable location for researchers. Grounded in critical race theory and the notion that racial hierarchies and racism are inescapable markers of the Black experiences in the U.S., this study explores the ways in which ten children of Caribbean immigrants come to understand themselves and their place in U.S. racial discourses and conventions given the racial and ethnic socialization messages they receive at home and their experiences with institutionalized racism and racial hierarchies in U.S. schools.
"You must understand that we are very different in Cuba," insisted Gabriel Molina Franchossi, director of Gramma newspaper, the official organ of the communist party in Cuba. "To Afro-Cubans, big lips and big backsides are objects of beauty. To us, such images represent the feminine ideal." Under Castro, Blacks are well represented in the country's ruling bodies. Cuba has one of the highest literacy rates in the world and mortality rates comparable to that of Europe and the United States. Successful Afro Cubans are quick to note that they and their children have been afforded opportunities since what they call "the triumph of the Revolution" that they would never have received under the old regime.
History shows close to two million enslaved Africans were taken to South America. A great number of them were taken to Bahia, Brazil, to work on the sugar cane plantations. [Dionisio] has hope for the future of Brazilian Blacks. "If America can elect a Black president, I know that our time will one day come when a Black Brazilian will look after the wellbeing of his or her people. But at the way things are in Brazil, it is only through education that we will one day be equal to the whites, if you know what I mean." At this point, it sounded as if Dionisio was engaged in a monologue. "But many children dream of one day being like Pele, our greatest football star," he continued as he gazed in the distance, his eyes resting on the humming bird doing battle with the sweet nectar. The mention of Pele changed the contour of his face and I could see the veins in his face clearly showing. "Most of our people have let us down. Most, like Pele, can be considered Black, but we have a saying here that 'You are a Black person with a white soul. We say that of Black leaders and football celebrities who do not support any Black agenda."
Just Chillin' continued, "That's one of the reasons why everyone's going to Anancy Restaurant for those tasty fish dishes." Money said, "Alex who is a close friend of Richie, AKA Mr. Music (part of LAB NOISE), has a favourite expression: "That's your opinion..." Da Professor said, "Children should be grateful they even have a school; many children don't. In many parts of the world education is a luxury. Look at what just happened in Haiti. [Don]'t forget what happened there. People have short memories; they're still in dire need. Whatever you have to donate bring it to Montreal North and have the Brothers and the Sisters send it to their relatives in Haiti, bypassing the sticky fingers... Don't forget we arc our brothers' keeper, so we have to show some love to our neighbours (not THE SYSTEM). After all WE are the world."
Develops a theoretical framework of biopolitical performance with which to approach the 1957 televised broadcast of Duke Ellington and Billy Strayhorn's A Drum Is a Woman. Presented on the drama anthology program The United States Steel Hour, this theater-music-dance suite fused elements of Afro-Caribbean rhythm with swing and bebop to tell a history of jazz, featuring acclaimed performers such as Carmen de Lavallade, Margaret Tynes, Joya Sherrill, and Talley Beatty. Argues that through their experimentation Ellington and Strayhorn created a hybrid performance in the mode of "calypso theater": a formal and thematic engagement with an Afro-Caribbean performance history.
Drawing on Jessica Benjamin's (1988) work on gender and relationships of domination and submission and on [Franz Fanon]'s work (1963; 1967) on the effect of colonial racism on ego integrity,(f.1) I will trace the racialization of power and domination in one mixed race family and the impact of this on the structure of the self. Turning to the colonial boarding school and drawing on [Michel Foucault]'s work on punishment (1979), I will trace the way that the disciplinary techniques of these boarding schools operate as the specific rituals for producing women who themselves become instruments for the exercise of power. I will also sketch a portrait of the family I studied in the context of Jamaica prior to the landmark 1938 uprising(f.2) and the relationship between the education of different classes and colours of women and the production of subjects who embrace the colonizer's values and culture. The costs borne by colonial subjects in this process will be demonstrated in discussions of the formal and informal educational histories of [Kathleen Fields] and June. Lilly's three surviving children were educated to secondary level in state-subsidized, church-run, colonial high schools intended for the middle classes who could not afford to send their children to school in England. Kathleen won a parish scholarship to one of these schools and was the first child in either Son's or Lilly's families to enter university when she won the only island scholarship for girls to university in Britain. She studied medicine and later specialized in obstetrics and gynaecology, becoming one of a handful of women doctors of colour at the time. She returned to Jamaica where she worked in the Government Health Service, the University College Hospital of the West Indies and built a large and successful private practice. She married twice, first to a white Englishman, a veteran of World War II and the RAF and then to a (brown) Jamaican doctor. Both marriages ended in divorce. She had one daughter by her first marriage. In 1994 she died in Kingston, having retired from medicine in 1990 as a result of poor health. Over three generations, Son, Lilly and their children and grandchildren and some of their nieces and nephews moved up the social pyramid, changing both their racial and class position. Many of the youngest members of the family appear either very light-skinned or white. In the 1920s Marcus Garvey, founder of the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), challenged white racial domination by building a huge movement in the Americas and in the Caribbean. Beginning in the United States, Garvey returned to Jamaica in 1927. Garvey's term "Race first" was an effective way to name a critique of domination which blasted away the contradictions underlying so-called ideals of equality and justice. But even Garvey in his naming of the problem and in his principles and philosophies is limited by the discursive terrain of colonial conservatism. In conceptualizing race and the elements of the values of liberal democracy, his views reinscribe racial essentialism and the familiar disapproval of interracial sex and those who resulted from it. Garvey's vision of women's role was based on the dominant ideology of women as housewives and mothers. For him there was one monolithic "black woman" who he argued needed to be treated like a queen, uplifted, to be given a weapon against the inferiority enforced by white colonial standards of beauty. She was to be chaste, to participate in voluntary service to the race, to be the culture bearer while the black man was to be the head of the household. Such anti-colonial options were highly significant in conceptualizing the importance of Africa as an economic power, and particularly in developing a movement which redressed the old violence of inferiorization, exploitation and marginalization. But they barely ruptured the complexity of the class and gender limitations women experienced in colonialism and, perhaps more important, they underestimated how deeply internalized are colonialism's lessons of culture and education.;
An analysis of the experience of African Caribbeans in the postwar period in Great Britain. Explores both the relationship between migration and racism and the formation of ethnic identity of these migrants. Also confronts the political implications of the new identities being forged by Black people in the country.
Dzidzienyo,Anani (Author) and Oboler,Suzanne (Author)
Format:
Book, Whole
Publication Date:
2005
Published:
New York: Palgrave Macmillan
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
323 p, Contents: Flows and counterflows : Latinas/os, blackness, and racialization in hemispheric perspective / Suzanne Oboler and Anani Dzidzienyo -- A region in denial : racial discrimination and racism in Latin America / Ariel E. Dulitzky -- Afro-Ecuadorian responses to racism : between citizenship and corporatism / Carlos de la Torre -- The foreignness of racism : pride and prejudice among Peru's Limeños in the 1990s / Suzanne Oboler -- Bad boys and peaceful Garifuna : transnational encounters between racial stereotypes of Honduras and the United States (and their implications for the study of race in the Americas) / Mark Anderson -- Afro-Mexico : Blacks, indígenas, politics, and the greater diaspora / Bobby Vaughn -- The changing world of Brazilian race relations? / Anani Dzidzienyo -- Framing the discussion of African American-Latino relations : a review and analysis / John J. Betancur -- Neither white nor Black : the representation of racial identity among Puerto Ricans on the island and in the U.S. mainland / Jorge Duany -- Scripting race, finding place : African Americans, Afro-Cubans, and the diasporic imaginary in the United States / Nancy Raquel Mirabal -- Identity, power, and socioracial hierarchies among Haitian immigrants in Florida / Louis Herns Marcelin -- Interminority relations in legislative settings : the case of African Americans and Latinos / José E. Cruz -- African American and Latina/o cooperation in challenging racial profiling / Kevin R. Johnson -- Racial politics in multiethnic America : Black and Latina/o identities and coalitions / Mark Sawyer -- Racism in the Americas and the Latino scholar / Silvio Torres-Saillant -- Witnessing history : an octogenarian reflects on fifty years of African American-Latino relations / Nelson Peery
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
176 p, "Based on examination of housing patterns in San Juan and demographic data from four of its 19th-century barrios, work provides a much-needed exploration of racial prejudice in Puerto Rico. Challenges commonplace denial of racial discrimination up to the present by showing that free people of color had limited economic, social, and political opportunities to advance their status"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.
Rio de Janeiro Brasil: Biblioteca do Exército Editora
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
143 p., Contents: A gênese contemporânea da nação bicolor -- Raças não existem -- Sumiram com os pardos -- O que os números não dizem -- Negros e brancos no mercado de trabalho -- Alhos e bugalhos -- As cotas no mundo -- Estatuto das raças -- "Classismo", o preconceito contra os pobres -- Pobres e famintos -- O dinheiro que não vai para os pobres -- Educação, a única solução -- Há solução.
