Grassroots Haitian movements for social justice have set themselves a formidable task: not only addressing the ongoing humanitarian crisis, but also challenging the reconstruction effort to include their leadership and avoid reproducing the conditions that helped make the earthquake so disastrous.
"I think it's a joke," Miami-based Haitian business woman and [Jean-Bertrand Aristide] supporter Lucie Tondreau told The Times. "These same people talking about they are representing the industrial class are the ones that are paying people 68 U.S. cents a day for 17 hours of work. These are the same people who have just fired over 300 poor people without indemnity. These are the same people who over the years in Haiti have refused to pay taxes, electricity, who have not invested in the infrastructure, in the schools of Haiti, and today they are coming here talking about democracy?," Tondreau wondered. "He" (Aristide) "was at the basis of reinforcement of polarization," said [Apaid]. "He was prone to keep our country divided. He knew our mentality and rather than try to correct it he was accentuating it while making deals behind the palace door with the very people he was attacking. So there was a hypocrisy in it and it's just traditional political behavior. We want to go beyond that." While Apaid described the current situation in Haiti as slow with a lot of problems but moving in the right direction, Tondreau described Haiti as a place where people have no right to demonstrate without being killed. "We need the duly elected president back in Haiti," said Tondreau.
Part of a special journal issue dedicated to strategies for societal renewal in Haiti., Fonkoze, "the bank the poor can call their own," is a bank that provides more than just loans. It also sees access to reasonably priced savings, remittance transfer, and currency conversion as a right of even the poorest. This article tells the story of how -- after the devastation of the 2010 earthquake -- Fonkoze found itself positioned to serve Haiti's rural population before other banks were back on their feet.
This article analyzes the role of Haitian migration and Haitian transnational engagement in the past 20 years. Shows that dependency on Haitian migrants' economic flows into their country has historically not been met by public policy leveraging these flows and that under the current economic recovery period, opportunistic views aside, it is unrealistic to expect a strategy drastically different from that of the pre-earthquake period.
Part of a special journal issue focusing on the role of the U.S. Foreign Service in Haiti., The work USAID and the State Department have done in Haiti after the January 12 earthquake shows why these organizations should take the lead in disaster relief.
637 p., Utilizes perceptions and attitudes towards the Haitian Revolution as a means to resituate party conflict and the boundaries of American nationalism in the Early Republic. The concept of nationalism is utilized in both the shaping of political culture and in the institutional formation of the state. As a result, the Haitian Revolution generated contradictory factional responses between the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans to the emergence of revolutionary abolitionism in the Atlantic. On a more popular level, the ordeal of Haiti engendered a fear of black militant abolitionism that hardened American attitudes towards the possibility of further slave emancipation in the United States.
Proposes to examine the aftermath of the "Goudougoudou," as Haitians now call the earthquake of January 12, 2010, relating it to other events that have taxed Haitian resolve over the course of two centuries.
