Using data on U.S.-born and Caribbean-born black women from the 1980-2000 U.S. Censuses and the 2000-2007 waves of the American Community Survey, documents the impact of cohort of arrival, tenure of U.S. residence, and country/region of birth on the earnings and earnings assimilation of black women born in the English-, French-, and Spanish-speaking Caribbean.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
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125 p, A novel by Trinidadian author Samuel Selvon. Its publication marked the first literary work focusing on poor, working-class blacks in the beat writer tradition following the enactment of the British Nationality Act 1948.
The article reports on a conference on the history of the Caribbean and Atlantic Ocean regions, held in Berlin, Germany, from July 2-3, 2012. Topics of discussion included creole and African diasporic identities, racism, nationalism, and ethnic relations in Caribbean states such as Cuba, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic, and migration.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
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231 p, Contents: 1.. Introductory: The Sierra Leone Settlement and the Birth of a British African Policy 1787-1840 -- 2. The Origins of Liberated African Emigration -- 3. International Reactions -- 4. 'Voluntary' Emigration under Government Control 1843-1846 -- 'Voluntary' Emigration under Government Control: The Growler Scheme and the Hook-MacDonald Conflict 1847-1849 -- 6. Labour Recruitment Techniques: The Coastal Squadron and the Vice-Admiralty Courts -- 7. The Hodge Contract and the End of Emigration Policy -- Conclusion
Examines the voting behavior of Cubans and non-Cuban Hispanics in two Florida counties. The group position thesis holds that status inequalities and perceived discrimination yield out-group hostilities that can influence political behavior. In Miami, where Cubans are dominant, we expect non-Cuban Latinos to report greater pan-Latino competition and that anti-Cuban attitudes will influence non-Cuban Hispanic voting. In Tampa, where non-Cuban Latinos live in communities where Cubans are not dominant, we expect lower levels of perceived competition and Cuban-related attitudes to be inconsequential to the vote. The results confirm that power relations in the local arena constitute an important influence on the political behavior of Latino immigrants.
