Using data on U.S.-born and Caribbean-born black women from the 1980-2000 U.S. Censuses and the 2000-2007 waves of the American Community Survey, documents the impact of cohort of arrival, tenure of U.S. residence, and country/region of birth on the earnings and earnings assimilation of black women born in the English-, French-, and Spanish-speaking Caribbean.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
125 p, A novel by Trinidadian author Samuel Selvon. Its publication marked the first literary work focusing on poor, working-class blacks in the beat writer tradition following the enactment of the British Nationality Act 1948.
The article reports on a conference on the history of the Caribbean and Atlantic Ocean regions, held in Berlin, Germany, from July 2-3, 2012. Topics of discussion included creole and African diasporic identities, racism, nationalism, and ethnic relations in Caribbean states such as Cuba, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic, and migration.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
231 p, Contents: 1.. Introductory: The Sierra Leone Settlement and the Birth of a British African Policy 1787-1840 -- 2. The Origins of Liberated African Emigration -- 3. International Reactions -- 4. 'Voluntary' Emigration under Government Control 1843-1846 -- 'Voluntary' Emigration under Government Control: The Growler Scheme and the Hook-MacDonald Conflict 1847-1849 -- 6. Labour Recruitment Techniques: The Coastal Squadron and the Vice-Admiralty Courts -- 7. The Hodge Contract and the End of Emigration Policy -- Conclusion
Examines the voting behavior of Cubans and non-Cuban Hispanics in two Florida counties. The group position thesis holds that status inequalities and perceived discrimination yield out-group hostilities that can influence political behavior. In Miami, where Cubans are dominant, we expect non-Cuban Latinos to report greater pan-Latino competition and that anti-Cuban attitudes will influence non-Cuban Hispanic voting. In Tampa, where non-Cuban Latinos live in communities where Cubans are not dominant, we expect lower levels of perceived competition and Cuban-related attitudes to be inconsequential to the vote. The results confirm that power relations in the local arena constitute an important influence on the political behavior of Latino immigrants.
A collection of articles on women in slavery, their family life, condition in society and employment and politics. These articles present themselves either as scientific studies, or as evidence and give a differentiated view of the reality of changing the situation of Caribbean women
Evaluates the economic and social impact of the large migrations which took place in Central America during the 1980s, especially from El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, to Costa Rica, Mexico, and Belize
The number of black Caribbean immigrants in America is growing with the most prevalent countries of origin being the Bahamas, Haiti, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, and Trinidad and Tobago.
Motivated by recent findings of a diminishing earnings gap between the West Indians and other black workers, the earnings processes of immigrant and native-born West Indians are examined in an effort to find the role of culture traits in their earnings
Contemporary immigrants can not be characterized as the "uprooted." Many are transmigrates, becoming firmly rooted in their new country but maintaining multiple linkages to their homeland
"Based on the example of migration to metropolitan France, this paper highlights the importance of systematising a gender perspective in the study of Caribbean migration." (author)
Chivallon,Christine (Author) and Alou,Antoinette Tidjani (Author)
Format:
Book, Whole
Publication Date:
2011
Published:
Kingston Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
231 p, The forced migration of Africans to the Americas through the transatlantic slave trade created primary centres of settlement in the Caribbean, Brazil and the United States - the cornerstones of the New World and the black Americas. However, unlike Brazil and the US, the Caribbean did not (and still does not) have the uniformity of a national framework. Instead, the region presents differing situations and social experiences born of the varying colonial systems from which they were developed.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
85 p., Contends that Caribbean migrants are adopting the foreign culture, sports, food, clothes and behavior at a rapid pace while at the same time losing knowledge of the native environment. Many of the "recent migrants" who are seen on the streets in Brooklyn or elsewhere or in the schools are hardly distinguishable from inner city African Americans suggesting that dominant society influence coupled with the desire to fit in pervade the entire raison d'etre even before the immigrants arrive.
Uses data on both region and country of birth for black immigrants in the United States and methodology that allows for the identification of arrival cohorts to test whether there are sending country differences in the health of black adults in the United States. Results show that African immigrants maintain their health advantage over U.S.-born black adults after more than 20 years in the United States. In contrast, black immigrants from the Caribbean who have been in the United States for more than 20 years appear to experience some downward health assimilation.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
101 p, A narrative history with the catalogue of an exhibition of rare prints, maps, and illustrated books from the John Carter Brown Library. Contents: 1. The birth of the Dutch Republic and the world war against Habsburg Spain -- 2. The West Indies Company -- 3. The Dutch in Brazil : a peerless prince in Pernambuco -- 4. Images and knowledge of the New World -- 5. "In some future day it may be thought of more importance" : Dutch contributions to North American history -- 6. The Guianas and the Caribbean Islands; "Exhibition sites: The John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, May 9 to September 15, 1997; the Equitable Gallery, New York, New York, January 22 to April 4, 1998"--T.p. verso. "Preface" (p. xiii-xv)
"This article explores the changing form of white and black racial categories in North America. It argues that this transformation is being shaped by several, relatively distinct tendencies; including anti-immigrant sentiments, anti-black racism and the identity politics of racialized populations. The discussion focuses on two aspects of this transformation. First, the identity politics of Afro-Caribbean populations is used to illustrate how immigrant experiences contest and complicate the process of black racialization; second, the racialization of Latino populations is used to illustrate how normative definitions of whiteness are being redefined. The conclusion uses these examples to discuss the need for explanations of racial stratification that can account for multiple nodes of inclusion and exclusion." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR];
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
Papers presented at a conference held in 2011., 270 p., Illustrates the neglect of emotions and feelings in the historiography of the people of the Bhojpuri areas in India who migrated to the plantation colonies in the Caribbean; analyses assimilation, mainly in the form of Christian conversion of Hindu and Muslim migrants, which resulted in the absence of mandirs and mosques, and the virtual lack of traditional Indian festivals and ceremonies in Belize, Venezuela and St. Lucia; deals with the plurality of ethnic identities, which is in fact the opposite of assimilation; and discusses the social adaptations and reproductions in forms such as Islamic spaces in politics as well as Bollywood movies.
The work of Haitian author Jacques Stephen Alexis is replete with examples of characters caught in the dilemmas of exile. The author focuses on Alexis's characters who go through a "true" expatriation, a movement out of Haiti and into another country, and considers how the various experiences of expatriation are represented, as well as how the presence of the Haitian exiles impacts the host country. Taking examples from Alexis's novel Compère Général Soleil, Monro argues that the Haitian exiles unwittingly, though inevitably, disrupt the illusion of oneness of national identity and culture and become a subversive force, creolizing culture in the place of exile, the Dominican Republic. This cultural creolization in turn is a threat to the monocultural, totalizing political discourses of the host country, it is argued.;
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
171 p, A novel by Trinidadian author Samuel Selvon. Its publication marked the first literary work focusing on poor, working-class blacks in the beat writer tradition following the enactment of the British Nationality Act 1948.
Examines the depiction of first-wave West Indian immigrants to the United States in Black print culture in the early 20th century. The authors conduct a series of content analyses of four newspapers that had wide circulation in the Black community between 1910 and 1940. Each content analysis serves as an empirical test one of four common hypotheses about ethnic differentiation between West Indians and African Americans: (a) the group consciousness hypothesis, (b) the racial nationalism hypothesis, (c) the radical politics hypothesis, and (d) the model minority hypothesis. The authors find very little empirical support for either the group consciousness hypothesis or the racial nationalism hypothesis and find only a modicum of support for the radical politics hypothesis. Finally, the authors find evidence confirming the model minority hypothesis. They also find that the Black press presented an accurate portrayal of the West Indian immigrants' socioeconomic advantages to native-born Blacks.
Watson investigates the emigration of indigenous Amerindians in the West Indies during the period 1834-1900 and their replacement with enslaved Africans. After the emancipation of the slaves in 1833, the poor whites, who used to perform militia service on plantations in the West Indies, were forced to emigrate due to lack of employment opportunities.;
The head of Citizenship and Immigration Services, Alejandro Mayorkas, says his agency can't eliminate its fees, but it has the power to waive them for people who can prove they are poor. He has promised that his employees will treat applicants with a "generosity of spirit." This would be a refreshing change for an agency notorious for bureaucrats expert in finding a way to say no.
While helping applicants take their place on the line, Richard Champagne, current President of the Haitian Lawyers Association (HLA)stated, "This is an opportunity for the HLA and participating attorneys to give back to our community. Haitian immigrants have been suffering for a long time, and after the Obama administration granted TPS, it was our duty to assist. It has been a great opportunity to partner with the city of North Miami, given the concentration of Haitian nationals in the city.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
159 p., Many of those who emigrated from the Caribbean to the UK after World War II left behind partners and children, causing the break-up of families who were often not reunited for several years. Elaine Arnold examines the psychological impact that immigration had on these families, in particular with relation to attachment issues.
203 p., Explores the work experiences of professional Caribbean immigrant English-speaking women in the United States. Much study has been dedicated to the experiences and success of Caribbean immigrant women and men in service and domestic roles. The study explores these professional immigrant women's experiences attaining career success in the United States racial society. Data was obtained from 12 professional Caribbean immigrant women using semi-structured interviews conducted by the researcher.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
223 p., Investigates the exilic literature of Caribbean-born and Caribbean-descent writers who, from their new location in Northern America, question their cultural roots and search for a creative autonomy.
Byron,Margaret (Author) and Condon,Stéphanie (Author)
Format:
Book, Whole
Publication Date:
2012
Published:
London: Routledge
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
288 p., Presents a different perspective on post-war Caribbean migration to Britain and France. This book examines trends in migration patterns, household and family structures, social fields, employment and housing trajectories.
347 p., Historically, the integration of European immigrants and their children into U.S. society has been signified by their ability to assimilate into White middle-class society and enjoy the advantages of upward mobility. However, similar privileges are not experienced by immigrants of color; most often these groups assume a minority status in the United States, which (i) creates socio-economic impediments in their journey toward upward mobility and (ii) destabilizes their deeply embedded notions of self and identity. Within this social dilemma, 1.5 and second generation U.S.-born children of Caribbean immigrants occupy a distinctive and theoretically-valuable location for researchers. Grounded in critical race theory and the notion that racial hierarchies and racism are inescapable markers of the Black experiences in the U.S., this study explores the ways in which ten children of Caribbean immigrants come to understand themselves and their place in U.S. racial discourses and conventions given the racial and ethnic socialization messages they receive at home and their experiences with institutionalized racism and racial hierarchies in U.S. schools.
369 p., Reconstructs the process of migration, assimilation, and the realization of full sociopolitical participation in the United States in terms of the relationship between peoples of African descent--who were compelled to migrate as slaves across the Middle Passage, and who also voluntarily immigrated from various localities within the Black Atlantic--and select groups of immigrants from other locations around the globe. The author concentrates on novels by William Faulkner, Paule Marshall, James Baldwin, and cartoonist Chris Ware, and examine closely how these authors, in their respective texts, work to restructure, reimagine, and thereby challenge the enshrined American narratives of national belonging and acculturation through literary constructions of the identities and experiences of peoples of African descent, as migrants themselves, in tandem with their social, political, economic, sexual, racial, and cultural engagements with other immigrants to the nation-state.
Discusses the history of migrants from the British Caribbean in Cuba during the early twentieth century. Views of sociologist Anthony Maingot on the single greatest lacuna in the study of the Caribbean; Focus on the organization practices of these migrants answering questions within social science scholarship in the Caribbean such as race, religion and nation; Information on the Universal Negro Improvement Association formed by Marcus Garvey.;
"This article investigates the efficacy of community organizing by African Caribbean migrants in Toronto, Ontario. The author argues that community organizing was an instinctive initiative of African Caribbean people. Historically, Black community organizational agenda, although owing much to its own resourcefulness and fortitude, was intimately connected to the influence and strength of the larger White population. Racism and social exclusions were the major external factors influencing the majority of African Caribbean institutional building." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR];
Last May, President Bush signed an Executive Order allowing the Coast Guard to immediately turn back Haitian boat refugees without checking to determine if they were fleeing political persecution. Before that, thousands of Haitians had crowded into unsafe boats to try to get away from their dangerous homeland. The U.S. tagged them "economic" rather than political refugees. "The fact is our government has turned a blind eye to Haitians," said Wade Henderson, director of NAACP's Washington bureau. I have a dream that I intend to make a reality. I'm calling on African Americans and Haitians here in Miami to come together to sit down, talk and work out a plan to help Haitians. But I'm also asking that Hispanics, Jews, Anglos -- everyone -- pitch in to help.
Chicago: Chicago School of Professional Psychology
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
107 p, This research attempts to understand the way Jamaican immigrants conceptualize psycho-spiritual illness in the socio-cultural context of Obeah, a West African religious tradition sharing an affinity with Vodou. In particular, this research will examine Jamaican immigrants' knowledge of, or experience with Obeah and how they construe psycho-spiritual illness in light of indigenous beliefs.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
158 p, Argues that engaging the Caribbean diaspora and the massive waves of migration from the region that have punctuated its history, involves not only understanding communities in host countries and the conflicted identities of second generation subjectivities, but also interpreting how these communities interrelate with and affect communities at home.
The visas are distributed among six geographic regions, with a greater number of visas going to regions with lower rates of immigration, and with no visas going to nationals of countries sending more than 50,000 immigrants to the United States over the period of the past five years, as in the case of Jamaica and Haiti.
The State Department revealed that an estimated 30,000 undocumented Haitians face deportation to their homeland. [Hillary Clinton], however, said the U.S. will look closely at the issue "and try to come up with some appropriate responses to the challenges posed." A large number of legislators and immigration advocates have been calling on the Obama administration to grant TPS to Haitians as the U.S. has done for other countries, such as Honduras and Nicaragua. Last month, two prominent U.S. Democratic senators - Charles Schumer of New York, chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Immigration, Refugees and Border, and Patrick Leahy of Vermont, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee wrote U.S. President Barack Obama, expressing deep concern about the status of Haitians here.
Two Florida Democratic congressmen have been pushing the [George W. Bush] administration to permanently cease deportation of Haitians because of the hardship being experienced in the impoverished country. Kendrick Meek and Alcee L. Hastings, strong Haitian cates, have assailed the istration's policy on Haiti, ing that Haitians have, for long, been victimized by Washington's "double standard" immigration policies. Meek, who represents Miami, said Haiti "over-qualifies" for TPS, bestowed when the U.S. government determines eligible nationals are temporarily unable to safely return to their home country because of ongoing conflicts, environmental disasters or other "extraordinary and temporary conditions."
"That's terrific news," she added. "We're hopeful that Haitians wont be sent back until the country has had a chance to recover." [Kendrick Meek], who represents Miami, said Haiti "over-qualifies" for TPS, bestowed when the U.S. government determines eligible nationals are temporarily unable to safely return to their home country because of ongoing conflicts, environmental disasters or other "extraordinary and temporary conditions. [Alcee L. Hastings], who represents the city of Miramar, north of Miami, said, in his letter to [George W. Bush], that Haiti can "hardly sustain the lives of those currently living within its borders. "How can we also expect it to contend with the repatriation of the very people who left Haiti in desperation and who, through remittances, can aid in the nation's recovery efforts?" he asked.
A country may qualify for TPS due to the following conditions: ongoing armed conflict (such as civil war), an environmental disaster (such as earthquake or hurricane) or other extraordinary and temporary conditions. In light of the massive earthquake that took place in Haiti on Jan. 12 when thousands were presumed and then confirmed dead, Haiti became a candidate for TPS. "A lot of people don't have the money for the application and so that remains the primary obstacle for them," [Gepsie M. Metellus] said. "Although there is a fee waiver [for which some are eligible], it is a 'process' and it is frustrating."
Wyclef Jean - the trailblazing hip-hop artist and Haiti's answer to Jamaica's Bob Marley and Ireland's Bono - last month unveiled an ambitious new philanthropic effort aimed at bringing the power and wealth of his own celebrity - and the collective muscle of the Haitian Diaspora - to bear to help his native land. Wyclef christened the emerging non-profit "Yéle Haiti" during a tour of Haiti last month, in which he announced plans to help fund the reconstruction of schoolhouses and a vast scholarship program, among other initiatives.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
297 p., Begins with an introduction to the Caribbean region and the cultural and historical origins of its peoples. She focuses on the cultural practices that shape the community in Toronto, and the extent to which they facilitate or impede integration in Canadian society. Looks closely at such things as male-female relationships, forms of family organization, and patterns of religious practice, and shows that some cultural patterns have been maintained by members of the community whereas others have changed during the migration process.
The concerns raised by the opposing view that dual nationality is a form of conflicting allegiance have been a lingering irritant to relations between the Haitian politicians and the Haitian Diaspora. For too long, we were led to believe that all birthright Haitian nationals who stayed in Haiti to endure the political vicissitudes of the last three decades did so out of blind patriotism. Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact, the most vocal restrictionists, those most passionate in their denunciation of double nationality as an antithesis to the patriotic principle of uncompromising allegiance are the first to make use of cheaper technology, communication and travel to shuttle between the great metropolis of North America for all their basic needs, including banking, shopping, investing and schooling for their kids. They are essentially enjoying the less taxing lifestyle of a languishing economy while spending, investing and enjoying the glitters of flourishing ...operating in small villages in Haiti.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Journal Title Details:
p. 276
Notes:
This book contains 6 papers presented at the Population Geography Study Group meeting on "Return Migration." which was part of the Institute of British Geographers' Annual Conference at Leeds, England, January 1985. Other papers are contributions requested by the editor.
"It's a complete tragedy, a complete disregard for human life," said Lemorin's lawyer, Charles Kuck. "Haiti is still an unmitigated disaster.'' In January, the moratorium not in effect will be lifted and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will resume the deportation of Haitian nationals convicted of crimes in the U.S. Lemorin's lawyers says that while his client has no conviction, he is being included with those who do. However, his deportation under the specific circumstances of his case would be highly unusual, according to legal experts. But his ability to remain in the U.S. is not the only issue at hand. He would be forced to leave his wife and their three children who reside in North Miami Beach. His wife, Charlene Mingo Lemorin, 31, is being treated for kidney failure and her medical condition precludes her from moving the family to Haiti. "Without letting us know they'll resume deportation to Haiti, at a time when Haiti is living under its gravest crisis, it's so unfair," said Marliene Bastien, who heads the Haitian Women of Miami. "It's supposed to be a progressive government. We're gravely disappointed."
"Actually, the conference came about because of the earthquake," [Mark Hobafcovich] said. "About 26 of us were holding a one-day meeting in Florida to discuss how to meet the needs of the influx of Haitians into the U.S. in the wake of the earthquake. An outcome of the meeting was the need for a second, broader meeting to discuss the spiritual state of Haitians overall." In addition to Southern Baptist efforts to reach Haitians - there are only 45,000 Haitian Southern Baptists in 381 SBC churches - other denominations following suit are the Pentecostals, 30,000 members in 800 churches; American Baptist Convention, 10,000 members in 100 churches; the National Baptist Convention, 5,000 members in 15 churches; all other Baptists, 1,000 members in 15 churches; and all other denominations, 15,000 members in 200 churches. "It's a beautiful spot near the ocean," [Fritz Fontus] said. "I received this vision four years ago. We need a development like this because the people of Haiti are ignored by the top authorities. You routinely have nine people or more sleeping in one room. This is not decent living. We plan to rent the houses for a small amount and, after 10 years, the house becomes theirs."
