Let me say this again: The Haitian community is not going anywhere. Instead, the Haitian community is looking ahead, to move forward to a better community. We welcome people from different ethnic backgrounds to come and join us in our efforts to move forward. If you don't want to or cannot help the Haitian community to overcome the economic adversity we face, at least don't spread rumors trying to create a false division between the Haitian and Black American communities.
It's clear that most Cubans living in South Florida were those who oppressed the working classes in Cuba, resulting in the class discrimination of white Cubans against Black Cubans. Many of the Cubans controlling South Florida today are heirs to the chicanery, corruption, organization of crime and prostitution, and money laundering practiced by the ruling class when they held power in Cuba. Before the revolution that put [Fidel Castro] in power, Cuba was one big resort, the preferred spot, for the U.S. mafia to spend their free time and take a little vacation. Let me make it clear to everyone that I'm not a communist person and I'm not a member of any communist political party whatsoever. I believe, as a citizen of the world and a conscious Black man, that I have the right to praise anyone that I choose. I have the right to say that the Blacks in power in Cuba would not want the racist Cuban dictators in South Florida to go to the island and contaminate their nonracial environment. When they were in power during the [Fulgencio Batista] regime, the situation for Black people was deplorable. And now, any Black from Cuba who sides with Castro is labeled as a "Communist" or a "traitor". South Florida needs to wake up and ring the bell of freedom in the face of dictatorship. South Florida needs to let the Cuban dictators ruling South Florida know that the practice of censorship is over. We know the problem of the Cubans in South Florida. The real problem is not truly Fidel Castro, but rather the living presence of Black people in power in Cuba and the rapidly growing Black population in Cuba. Today we are going to sing a new song; the title of this song would be "We Know Your Problem". We have recognized the problem for years and now is the time to sing that song.
Last May, President Bush signed an Executive Order allowing the Coast Guard to immediately turn back Haitian boat refugees without checking to determine if they were fleeing political persecution. Before that, thousands of Haitians had crowded into unsafe boats to try to get away from their dangerous homeland. The U.S. tagged them "economic" rather than political refugees. "The fact is our government has turned a blind eye to Haitians," said Wade Henderson, director of NAACP's Washington bureau. I have a dream that I intend to make a reality. I'm calling on African Americans and Haitians here in Miami to come together to sit down, talk and work out a plan to help Haitians. But I'm also asking that Hispanics, Jews, Anglos -- everyone -- pitch in to help.
Amid the flurry of designations by the media, law enforcement officials, and advocacy organizations--terms ranging from "migrants" to "asylum-seekers" to "economic refugees"--one thing was clear. The people aboard that boat had fled desperate conditions for safe harbor in the U.S. What awaited them when they touched land was then, and remains, a matter of great contention. When asked about the implications of the designation "migrant," Miami field office INS public relations officer Barbara Gonzalez said that in the context of INS policy, "There is really no such thing as a migrant." She said, "Many use the word," when the correct terminology for what they intend is "non-immigrant." How about the terms "alien" and "refugee?" Amnesty International notes that the term "alien" has been used in U.S. legislation to describe various types of non-citizens, including those Amnesty would call "asylum-seekers." Similarly, the INS describes an alien as any non-citizen or national of the U.S.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
205 p., Content: PME cor ou raça : setembro de 2006 -- Redação originária, exposição de motivos e redação dada pelo relator deputado federal Carlos Abicalil do PL 3.627/04 -- Boletim informativo sobre o 2° vestibular sob o sistema de cotas da UnB --Análise do cenário institucional do sistema de cotas da UnB -- Íntegra do leading case junto ao egrégio tribunal regional federal da 4a. região sobre a implantação do vestibular com cotas raciais e sociais da UFPR -- Avaliação do reitor da UFPR sobre o novo perfil da universidade pós-vestibular com o sistema de cotas -- Recursos administrativos envolvendo a seleção da UFPR pós-cotas -- Batalha jurídica para a implantação do vestibular de cotas da UFPR.
One group of Black immigrants have become involved in the economic and political life of Miami, and their power is being felt in North Dade. I call this the New Haitian Revolution. It began on many fronts. I remember listening to some Black American men laughing-at Haitians because family members would pool their money to buy a home. Multiple families would live in the house, and then the families would pool together and buy another house. Eventually, all of the Haitian families would own a home. I wonder what those same Black men are saying now, when Haitians now own homes and their detractors are still renting. This was the start of a quiet new Haitian revolution. Haitians working together to improve their economic fortunes - a method employed by other successful immigrant groups such as Jews and Cubans. The revolution took place quietly, but it is now clear that there is a new power group in this community. Haitians have started successful medical practices, radio stations, law firms, and other businesses. They have taken over the politics of the City of North Miami, and are one of the new power groups being courted by anyone running a county wide race.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
213 p., Reveals the emotional and social consequences of gendered difference and racial division as experienced by black and ethnicised women, teachers and students in schools and universities, taking the topic in new, challenging directions.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
273 p., By looking at this history from the vantage point of black America and the Caribbean, a more complex story comes into focus, one largely missing from traditional narratives of baseball's history. Raceball unveils a fresh and stunning truth: baseball has never been stronger as a business, never weaker as a game.
