At the recent Summit of the Americas, President [Barack Obama] suggested that the U.S. could learn a lesson of goodwill from Cuba. In 1998, Cuba's government began programs to send large-scale medical assistance to poor populations affected by natural disasters. Each year some 2,000 young people enroll at the school, which operates from a former naval base in a suburb of Havana. Cuba's 21 medical faculties all train young people of poor families from throughout the Americas, as well as hundreds of African, Arab, Asian and European students. The country sends teams of doctors all over the world to respond to natural disasters. Cuban doctors have provided medical services to the underserved in Africa for over a decade. Blacks' views of relations with Cuba differ vastly from those of most Cuban immigrants and Cuban-Americans. The former lily-white upper crust of Cuban society wield political clout in Florida and are dead set against normalizing relations with Cuba's government. Consequently most politicians have chosen to adopt Cuban-American views. From 1960 to 1979, hundreds of thousands of Cubans began new lives in the US. Most of these Cuban Americans came were from educated upper and middle classes and form the backbone of the anti-[Fidel Castro] movement. Cuban Americans are America's fifth-largest Hispanic group and the largest Spanish-speaking group of white descent.
As if her precious life and freedom were a game of poker, the FBI upped the ante or bounty on [Assata Shakur] to $1 million two weeks ago. In a television address last Tuesday, Cuban leader Fidel Castro rejected calls to hand over Shakur, stating that she was not a terrorist but a victim of racial persecution. "They wanted to portray her as a terrorist, something that was an injustice, a brutality, an infamous lie," Castro said in his televised speech, while never mentioning Shakur's name. "They have always been hunting her, searching for her because of the fact that there was an accident in which a policeman died."
Since 1959, when Fidel Castro overturned the corrupt, proAmerican government of Fulgencio Batista and declared Cuba a communist nation, the American policy has been one of not just opposing the Cuban government, but of isolating Cuba and its citizens from all economic and social interaction with the United States. The reality is that allowing trade and travel does not eliminate our ability to address Cuba's human rights problems. In fact, one could argue - as even some conservatives did when we participated in the 2008 Olympics in Beijing - that such interaction gives greater voice to questions of human rights in Cuba. Our policy against Cuba has largely been shaped by the politics of Florida, where anti-Castro Cuban immigrants have long been a powerful economic and political force. But even that is changing; younger Americans of Cuban origin are becoming increasingly more likely to support travel to, and trade with, Cuba.
