263 p., Focuses on the writing and thinking of W.E.B. Du Bois and Zora Neale Hurston in order to explore the continuing effects of the legacy of enslavement as well as question the need for entre nous black spaces in the twenty-first century. In pairing Du Bois with Hurston, the author considers the difficulties of entre nous speaking along generational lines, gender differences, and regional affiliations. Though their writing and speaking differed, as scholars and artists they resisted the demands of the minstrel mask to produce a body of work that subverted dominant culture's devaluation of black folk responses to ongoing racial terror and dehumanization. Hurston and Du Bois did this while trying to conceptualize what a black "us" in the United States and in the black diaspora in the Americas entailed and what, if anything, exists between the "us."
Argues that the emergence of hip hop in the South Bronx can be explained by the way in which several social-political factors dictated by the needs of the world economy converged with the resistance and labor of black people in the United States and the Anglo-Caribbean in the late 1960s and early 1970
Reports on the researchers' findings 20 years after Lord Gifford's inquiry into race relations in the city after the 1980s Toxteth riots. Gifford reported on the prevalence of racial attitudes, racial abuse, and racial violence directed against the Black citizens of Liverpool. The authors' research focused on education and specifically the low percentage of Black teachers compared to the whole teaching workforce and the percentage Black population in the city.
Considers how dance, rhythm and the body become forces of social differentiation. In Cuba, many Afro-Cuban cultural practices, such as rumba, have been subject to social and spatial exclusion. In this context, sites such as the home, the street and the family emerge as highly significant for the learning and performance of Afro-Cuban music and dance.
"Haiti's New Bad Boy President," "Carnival King is New Leader of Haiti" are just two of the headlines in local and national news. Many Haitians here in the U.S. feel that the newspapers are making a spectacle of the election of Michael "Sweet Mickey" [Michael Martelly] to the highest political office in Haiti, the Presidency. Martelly beat his opponent Lady Mirlande Manigat, 67.57 percent to 31.74 percent but in accordance with the electoral process complaints can be filed up until April 16 when the votes will be closed. His flamboyant attire and sometimes raucous performances endeared him to some but distanced him from others. At first, his notoriety as an entertainer made it almost impossible for him to be accepted into a party to declare his political aspirations and to be thought of as a viable candidate.
180 p., The articles, lectures, popular and professional histories, travelogues, and ethnographies of John B. Russwurm, Samuel M. Cornish, James McCune Smith, Augustus Straker, T.G. Steward, Ana Julia Cooper, James Weldon Johnson, Langston Hughes and Zora Neal Hurston, stakes claims about the capacity of black people for liberty, citizenship, and self-determination. Current historians of Haiti's legacy must contend with the historiographies of early black scholars in order to fully appreciate the way the Haitian revolution was not silenced, but remained intimately present for writers and scholars trying to develop a unified black identity.
She said that, these are the harsh realities which result in significant measure from pervasive and systemic injustice and discrimination, for which the international community needs a "wake up call" in order to accelerate regional and international cooperation, "to ensure people of African descent have full enjoyment of their rights to participate in all the political, economic, social and cultural facets of society". The Acting CARICOM Secretary General said that the region's "highly respected international reputation' as being intolerant of inequality and discrimination' was built partly on the foundation of the unrelenting resistance of enslaved Africane, embodied in martyrs and leaders of the slave revolts such as Toussaint L'Overture in Haiti; Nanny and Tacky in Jamaica; Codjo, Mentor and Present in Suriname; Bussa in Barbados and Cuffy and Damon in Guyana. [Lolita Applewhaite] said the Rastafarian movement that "revolutionised the consciousness of the Caribbean people and many others outside of the region", pointing also to the strong influence of people of African descent in the creation of a "distinctive Caribbean brand".
The Web site will also feature facts on Afro-Brazilians; Brazilian events taking place in the United States and Brazil; updates on Brazilian politics; and the upcoming World Cup and the Olympic Games. Afro-Brazilian.com will also feature articles from noted Brazilian and African American reporters across the United States. According to MercoPress, an independent online news agency, Afro-Brazilians represent the largest ethnic group in Brazil, making up more than 49 percent of the population. Afro-Brazilians have a cultural influence on Brazil that spans from cuisine, literature, sports and art, among others. Some of the little known facts on Afro-Brazilians include: * African culture has been instrumental in the development of Brazilian cuisine. Feijoada, Brazil's staple dish, was developed by African slaves * Blacks and pardos have a low representation on Brazilian television. In 1996 Taís Araujo was the first and only Black actress to be featured as a protagonist in a telenovela
