Newly arrived from Cuba, Angelica, Dora, Marina, and Damaris attempted to negotiate new surroundings and immigrant identities, building a sense of home for themselves and their families. Data from qualitative interviews, classroom observations, and focus group conversations revealed hopes that by acquiring English language skills, they would improve their quality of life in their new country. Struggles included personal factors situated in their pasts in Cuba and their new surrounds in the Miami Cuban exile enclave, contexts that were further complicated by uncertain expectations of new lives in Miami and the overwhelming task of learning a new language at a local adult education center.
Initiatives in the field of sexology and sex education in prerevolutionary Cuba are barely known, as continuity between those experiences and the work carried out during the years following the 1959 revolution have not been researched. The founding of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), however, must be considered the product of a long process of political maturity on the part of Cuban women during the first half of the twentieth century, and in the broader context of the FMC, the developments in the fields of sexology and sex education over the past fifty years also must be considered. Drawing on FMC archival holdings, this article sets out a periodization of the four main stages of the revolutionary period of institutionalizing sex education in Cuba, as well as its main challenges.
In 1795, Father Jose Agustin Caballero presented the first project for the creation of a system of public education for all the inhabitants of the island of Cuba. It was a visionary idea, but impossible to carry out at that time. The island was a colonial possession of the Spanish Crown, and most of the population was subjected to slavery or made up of Mestizos and freed blacks, the victims of segregation and racial discrimination.
The Cuban journey on race relations denotes an adventure driven by ideology. A doctrine of equals and the need for consensus building towards national unity called for the reversal of disenfranchisement commonly practiced prior to the revolution. Public policy has affirmed a commitment to social integration of people of color yet the residue of bigotry still inflames the Cuban populace and stymies potential maturity among its people.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
Part of Tulane University's Stone Center for Latin American Studies responsible for the organization of lectures, performances, courses, symposia, etc.; aimed at promoting an academic and cultural exchange between Cuba and the US.
"The Cuban experiment with socialism raises a number of theoretical questions about the difficulties of social transformation in multiracial societies," said Marable. "How successful has Cuba been in uprooting racism and sexism? Are the values of a socialist society possible in a transition to a market economy?"
"They were walking toward me on the street, then they pulled up their locks, shook them back in, and smiled," she recalled, with a laugh. "I shook my locks at them, too. They would go, 'Yo!' And I'd say, 'Yo!' It was fun to get that type of acknowledgement. It showed how we are connected as Africans. There's nothing that can make that go away." [Russo], she added, also discussed now Cubans might benefit from a more open relationship with the U.S.A., even though it may change Cuba's moral character. While [Linda Jennings] hopes better communication is achieved through the blockade's elimination, she is worried that America's dominant influence would alter Cuba's innocence. It seems like today, in our communities, the lack of material items makes Black people feel inferior. Cubans don't, seem to have that problem, Jennings said. Black people have propelled themselves to a more material, individualistic society, which has made too many of them forget who they truly are to themselves. Having seen Cuba's society in person I don't understand why a Cuban would want to defect here."
An editorial asserts that petty politics and diplomatic one-upmanship should not play a part in a stated request by Dr Juan Carrizo Estevez, the director of Cuba's two-year-old Latin American School of Medical Sciences, to obtain a visa to the US to meet with black college officials and the Congressional Black Caucus to discuss a grandiose, gratuitous offer from Cuba of a free medical education to US students.
Shunning warnings that Cuban Pres Fidel Castro was using them for propaganda purposes, eight US residents have taken Castro up on his offer to grant them free medical education, provided they return to poor communities in the US. On Apr 4, 2001, the eight African-American students took part in welcoming ceremonies hosted by Cuba's Latin American School of Medical Sciences.
380 p., This work brings an anti-colonial reading to the production and maintenance of racial logic in Cuban schooling, through conversations with, and surveys of Cuban teachers, as well as through analyses of secondary and primary documents. The study undertaken seeks to contribute to the limited existent research on race relations in Cuba, with a research focus on the Cuban educational context. Teasing and staking out a middle ground between the blinding and often hollow pro-Cuba fanaticism and the deafening anti-Cuban rhetoric from the left and right respectively, this project seeks a more nuanced, complete and dialogical understanding of race and race relations in Cuba, with a specific focus on the educational context. This work investigates and explicates an apparent contradiction inherent in teachers' work and discourse on the island, revealing a flawed and complex form of Cuban anti-racism.
