In this context, the achievements of yesterday and of today are intimately linked. Sojourner Truth thundered against slavery so that Frederick Douglass could agitate. Douglass agitated so that Thurgood Marshall could argue the law. Marshall argued so that Rosa Parks could sit. Parks sat so that Martin Luther King Jr. could stand. King stood so that young people could march. Young people marched so that Shirley Chisholm could dare to aim for Congress. Rep. Chisholm dared so that Jesse Jackson could run. Jackson ran so Barack Obama could win. And Obama won because a majority of voting Americans - red, yellow, brown, black and white - were ready to finally say: Yes, we can!
The daytime workshops will be complemented by evening community programs held at the Historic Lyric Theatre, 819 NW Second Avenue in Overtown. On Monday, June 18 at 5:30 p.m. a special "Maroon Double Feature" film showing will celebrate the Pan African spirit of resistance with a presentation of "Maluala" by Cuban filmmaker Sergio Giral and "Quilombo" by Brazilian filmmaker Carlos Diegues. Both have become modern classics. Based on historical fact, these powerful dramas depict the struggle of those who dared to escape from slavery and establish independent, fiercely defended Maroon communities. Time will be allowed for discussion after the films. June 19 is officially celebrated in several states as "Juneteenth," commemorating that date in 1865 when the last of the enslaved African American population in East texas received word of the Emancipation Proclamation at the end of the Civil War. Because "No one was really free until everyone was free," this date, shortened by custom over the years to "Juneteenth." was considered the true end of the institution of slavery in the United States.
CAFTA is also a step backward for labor rights. Under CAFTA, Central American countries are only obligated to uphold their own labor laws, which have been judged inadequate by the International Labor Organization in more than 20 ways. What's more, the enforcement of these deficient laws cannot be encouraged through the use of dispute settlement, fines or trade sanctions. Even putting labor conditions aside, CAFTA is bad the health of people of co south of the U.S. border. The countries of Central America have high rates of infection of HIV/AIDS and other diseases, rates that go up even more if you look at just the Afro-Latino communities. Provisions in CAFTA would actually delay or limit the introduction of cheaper, generic drugs to combat or cure many diseases and other health conditions. The result? Many of the 275,000 Central America living with HIV/AIDS will not be able to afford antiretroviral drugs. This impact will hit especially hard on Afro-Latinos, who make up a third of Latin America's population but represent 40 percent of Latin America's poor Maybe that's why Doctors Without Borders, the American Public Health Association and many others have come out strongly against CAFTA.
"Black in Latin America" (NYU Press), by Henry Louis Gates, Jr.: This spring, Henry Louis Gates, Jr. produced a four-episode series for PBS tracing the legacy of the slave trade in six Caribbean and Latin American countries. "Black in Latin America" is the book companion to the television series of the same title.
We must continue to support one another for the future of our community. We need to see more African American leaders coming into the Haitian community, not just during election time but throughout the year. We need to see more solid commitment on the part of the Haitian community also to join different causes in the African American community. These are the only ways we can overcome in this struggle for equality. If we continue to treat our political interests as separate entities, we will never get to partake of the ftuits of democracy. Concerned citizens and political officials in both communities need to let people know that we don't have a Haitian/African American problem. I would hope that the Haitian community can realize that just because Mr. Duke, an African American, was defeated by Mr. [Joe Celestin], a Haitian, that Haitians are not "better" or "tougher" or "stronger" than the African American community. Likewise, the African American community needs the growing Haitian vote in the future. Haitian and African American people are one race, living through different cultural lifestyles. It's okay to have different lifestyles, as long as we respect each others' differences, without animosity or violence. For instance, the Latin community is comprised of Spanish-speaking people from different countries: Cuba, Colombia, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nicaragua, etc. Does anyone think that these groups are in complete harmony with one another? The answer is no. The different Spanish-speaking groups do not like one another that much but, in reality, when it comes to standing up for a common cause you see them marching side by side, taking pictures with each other and voting for each other.
"[Daniel Beauxhomme] comes from the lighter skin mixed class," said Kevin Johnson, who plays Daniel. "It's the story of two different people from two different worlds falling in love. Fate brings them together and fate takes them apart. It's similar to `Romeo and Juliet.'" "In Haiti, it's very confusing. It's fuzzier than here (the United States). A lot of it has more to do with money and name than this," said Shirley Julien, who is Haitian. "And that's what the musical focuses on. Ti Moune means `little orphan' in the play. But, in Haiti it means `little person.' That drives the theme more because she doesn't have a real name. In Haiti every little kid is called ti moune." "I don't think that there is that much of a difference," said Julien, who is also the musical's choreographer. "It's just highlighted more. The division is put on us and we accept it. It's up to us to say `I don't believe this' and take time to learn about Haitians, Jamaicans and Trinidadians. Our commonalities are so much stronger and deep inside of us."
Let me get something clear. I don't harbor any ill feelings toward the Cuban community. However, it is unequivocally clear that there is pattern we cannot ignore. Even though it would not be fair to condemn a whole community because of the criminal acts committed by a few of its members, the official Cuban leaders need to explain to the public why this widespread conspiracy is permitted within the ranks of the City of Miami Police department. According to various sources, the majorities of the officers indicted are Cuban or from Latin background and conspired to commit crimes against the Black community. My fellow Black American, the proletarian people who have been committed in the struggle to change the status of this racist system, let's not allow the September 11 attacks on our nation preoccupy our minds and distract us from what is going on in our own backyard. Don't let the horrifying events in New York and Washington silence our cry for justice in our community. We are waiving our U.S. flag as a symbol of justice and pride and we expect Black folks to join the crusade and help fight evil abroad. In the meantime, on our own soil, Black people in Overtown, North Miami, Liberty City, Little Haiti, are suffering frequent terrorist attacks from Cuban Police officers. As certainly as we allegedly concentrate on our dedicated fight against the evil in Afghanistan, we must also focus on getting rid of the outrageous psychological behavior displayed by our Cuban police force against the Black community patrolling our community.
One group of Black immigrants have become involved in the economic and political life of Miami, and their power is being felt in North Dade. I call this the New Haitian Revolution. It began on many fronts. I remember listening to some Black American men laughing-at Haitians because family members would pool their money to buy a home. Multiple families would live in the house, and then the families would pool together and buy another house. Eventually, all of the Haitian families would own a home. I wonder what those same Black men are saying now, when Haitians now own homes and their detractors are still renting. This was the start of a quiet new Haitian revolution. Haitians working together to improve their economic fortunes - a method employed by other successful immigrant groups such as Jews and Cubans. The revolution took place quietly, but it is now clear that there is a new power group in this community. Haitians have started successful medical practices, radio stations, law firms, and other businesses. They have taken over the politics of the City of North Miami, and are one of the new power groups being courted by anyone running a county wide race.
A Hartford Courant photographer, he opens the door to Haiti's dark, brutal secrets with explicit photographs taken in his native country. [Marc Yves Regis] was a freelance photographer with the Miami Times and an intern with the Miami Herald before joining the Courant. The book outlines Haiti's democratic reforms, beginning with the 1990 appointment of the country's first woman president. A year later, Ertha Pascal-Trouillot handed power to Jean-Betrand Aristide, who captured the presidency with an overwhelming 67 percent of the vote in the country's first true democratic election.
