In the 1980s, the Haitian economy was subordinated within global capitalism through a dual strategy centered on assembly plants in the cities and laissez-faire agricultural policies. Today this strategy is back in the form of a "reconstruction" plan.
The 2010 earthquake in Haiti and its aftermath have highlighted inherent but understudied transnational governance and socio-legal complexities of disaster recovery and displacement. This paper examines the key transnational governance and socio-legal issues that have arisen in the South Florida region for four distinct groups: (i) displacees and their related legal, social, cultural, and economic issues; (ii) host communities and governance, legal, and monetary complexities associated with compensation payments (e.g., to hospitals for their services to earthquake survivors); (iii) immigrants within the United States and related legalization and citizenship issues; and (iv) diaspora communities and socio-legal issues related to dual citizenship and their ongoing struggles to have a louder voice in the future of Haiti.
Argues that the historical boycott of Haiti's government in the 19th and 20th centuries by the international community, the constant internal struggle among the members of the elite for the control of state power, and the weakening of state structures through the creation of nongovernmental organizations have weakened the government's capacity to deal with major catastrophe and meet the needs of its citizens.
Part of a special journal issue dedicated to strategies for societal renewal in Haiti., The global community has an obligation to ensure that the reconstruction of Haiti's infrastructure increases economic resilience by adding value to existing assets and reducing vulnerability to external shocks, whether from natural disasters like earthquakes or man-made crises like spiking energy prices. This paper highlights a strategy for coordination across the development process, identifying the roles different partner groups can play, and identifying several priorities for that coordinated effort as the rebuilding process gets underway.
On 12 January 2010, Haiti experienced a 7.0-magnitude earthquake centered 10 miles west-southwest of Port-au-Prince. United Nations estimates indicate that more than 222,000 people were killed, 300,000 injured, and 2.3 million displaced by the earthquake and its 59 aftershocks. At dawn on 13 January, under the direction of United States Southern Command, elements of the Department of Defense arrived to support the Government of Haiti and the US Embassy. The command established Headquarters Joint Task Force-Haiti, with the mission of carrying out humanitarian assistance and disaster-relief operations in support of the United States Agency for International Development, the principal federal agency for the US effort.
The problems associated with disaster relief assistance following the Haitian earthquake are described. International aid groups have been ineffective in reaching victims of the earthquake, as the poor administration of relief money has inadequately helped feed the population.
Hundreds of thousands are likely to have died, millions are in need, their homes having been lost. Many wait for medical care. Safe water is in short supply and the rainy season starts in May. Could it have been different in Haiti? Would good planning have eased the pain of the shocks?
This essay is framed around interpretations of Haiti's long history in order to demonstrate that there is neither curse nor punishment in Haiti's history; there is only intrigue, interest, and interference. The natural disasters whether earthquakes or hurricanes do not occur because of some rational targeting of the country but are the results of the arbitrariness of nature.
Considers the potential contribution of traditional construction techniques and materials to rebuilding in Port-au-Prince and other areas in Haiti that were devastated by the 2010 earthquake. Based on different examples of housing that collapsed or was damaged by the earthquake, it shows how traditional construction systems often demonstrated better resilience to earthquakes than buildings constructed with modern materials.
The Sphere Project, "Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Disaster Response," identifies the minimum standards to be attained in disaster response. From a human rights perspective and utilizing key indicators from the Sphere Project as benchmarks, this article reports on an assessment of the living conditions approximately 12 weeks after the earthquake in Parc Jean Marie Vincent, a spontaneous IDP camp in Port-au-Prince.
