"I don't want to look arrogant, especially with [Cornel West]. But I believe he sat on the side of something he doesn't actually know," [Nancy Morejon] said of the open letter West and 59 other African Americans sent to Cuban President Raul Castro late last year. In it, they accused his government of mistreating civil rights activists and a "callous disregard" for its Black population. "Yes, there is racism in Cuba," Tomas Fernandez Robaina, a prolific writer about the social condition of Black Cubans, told me. The country "engaged in romanticism" when Castro ordered an end to racial discrimination nearly a half-century ago, Fernandez said. "Now we understand it will take more than goodwill to get rid of it, something Americans should know better than Cubans."
In this context, the achievements of yesterday and of today are intimately linked. Sojourner Truth thundered against slavery so that Frederick Douglass could agitate. Douglass agitated so that Thurgood Marshall could argue the law. Marshall argued so that Rosa Parks could sit. Parks sat so that Martin Luther King Jr. could stand. King stood so that young people could march. Young people marched so that Shirley Chisholm could dare to aim for Congress. Rep. Chisholm dared so that Jesse Jackson could run. Jackson ran so Barack Obama could win. And Obama won because a majority of voting Americans - red, yellow, brown, black and white - were ready to finally say: Yes, we can!
The CIA created a covert operation called JM WAVE which was based in South Miami. It's mission was to assassinate [Fidel Castro] and repatriate this area's Cubans back to their land. This undertaking had over 15,000 exiles on it's bankroll and had a budget of over $50 million dollars, which is worth over $350 million dollars in today's market.
"There was a real need for a facility like this back in the 1990's," [Jan Mapou] said. "Young people needed to be more aware of their Haitian heritage . . . their real heritage." The bookstore is best known for its excellent collection of Haitian literature much of which is written by Mapou and his advocate group, Sosyete Koukouy, which means "Society of Fire Flies." There are also learning booklets, Bibles translated in French and Creole, folklore novels, paintings, Haitian periodicals, maps and figurines that make up the store's inventory. In addition, the store also offers tasty treats including Kremas Mapou - a Haitian syrupy drink made from a secret family recipe.
"I'm from the United States," said Dr. [Claire-Marie Cyprien], a 43-year-old anesthesiologist who three days earlier had dropped her practice in Orlando, Fla., to rush to Haiti, the land of her birth. "And I'm a doctor." For generations, Haiti's chaos, corruption and poverty pushed out many of its most talented people. Haiti has a population of about nine million, but as many as two million more Haitians live abroad, about half a million of them in the U.S. The diaspora-Haitians refer to the émigrés as Haiti's "Tenth Province"-sends about $2 billion a year home, a sum equal to about 30% of the country's gross domestic product. Despite the money, émigrés have often been regarded warily by those who stayed behind. Emigration may offer a way to climb up or break out of Haiti's rigid class structure. But new wealth inspires jealousy, while distance from the motherland opens émigrés to accusations that they aren't as "authentic" as those who never left.
While helping applicants take their place on the line, Richard Champagne, current President of the Haitian Lawyers Association (HLA)stated, "This is an opportunity for the HLA and participating attorneys to give back to our community. Haitian immigrants have been suffering for a long time, and after the Obama administration granted TPS, it was our duty to assist. It has been a great opportunity to partner with the city of North Miami, given the concentration of Haitian nationals in the city.
"I could not believe it," she said. "All I could think about was my mother and two sisters who were in Haiti." Hosted by Koze Ayiti (Conversations in Haiti) and Konbit for Haiti, Pierre and several Haitians gathered in Little Haiti on Saturday to watch the televised Haitian presidential debate at the Konbit for Haiti. The debate was streamed from a restaurant in Petionville, Haiti but was interrupted by multiple power blackouts. Haiti's first-ever publicly broadcast presidential debates were organized in Haiti by KozeAyiti collaborators: Interuniversity Institute of Research and Development (INURED), which is led by Louis Herns Marcelin, an assistant professor of anthropology at the University of Miami and Haiti Aid Watchdog.
The head of Citizenship and Immigration Services, Alejandro Mayorkas, says his agency can't eliminate its fees, but it has the power to waive them for people who can prove they are poor. He has promised that his employees will treat applicants with a "generosity of spirit." This would be a refreshing change for an agency notorious for bureaucrats expert in finding a way to say no.
"It's a complete tragedy, a complete disregard for human life," said Lemorin's lawyer, Charles Kuck. "Haiti is still an unmitigated disaster.'' In January, the moratorium not in effect will be lifted and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will resume the deportation of Haitian nationals convicted of crimes in the U.S. Lemorin's lawyers says that while his client has no conviction, he is being included with those who do. However, his deportation under the specific circumstances of his case would be highly unusual, according to legal experts. But his ability to remain in the U.S. is not the only issue at hand. He would be forced to leave his wife and their three children who reside in North Miami Beach. His wife, Charlene Mingo Lemorin, 31, is being treated for kidney failure and her medical condition precludes her from moving the family to Haiti. "Without letting us know they'll resume deportation to Haiti, at a time when Haiti is living under its gravest crisis, it's so unfair," said Marliene Bastien, who heads the Haitian Women of Miami. "It's supposed to be a progressive government. We're gravely disappointed."
Cuba's rulers, say activists, see the growing dark face of the opposition as "ingratitude" that requires harsher punishment. They point to the case of Black Communist leader Juan Carlos Robinson, sentenced in 2006 to 12 years in jail for "corruption," an offense for which former foreign minister, Roberto Robaina, who's white, was arrested in 2002 but placed under house arrest. [Orlando Zapata Tamayo]'s ordeal is being spun from the other side of the coin, too - the predominantly white and U.S.-based, right-wing anti-Castro opposition who clearly stand to score political points from the case of a Black martyr. Righteous declarations can be expected from organizations such as Democracy Movement, the Cuban American National Foundation, the Cuban Liberty Council and, especially, the Cuban Democratic Directorate. Many Cuban civil-rights activists accuse these groups of working to corral and control the new internal opposition forces on behalf of interests linked to Cuba's former Jim Crow oligarchy. That's why they see U.S. Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart's "indignation" over Zapata's death, as much as president Raul Castro's "regrets," as a double farce. A staunch supporter of the tiny; white elite of wealth that was overthrown in 1959, Diaz-Balart can cry crocodile tears, but during his time in Congress his right-wing, proembargo agenda has only hindered the ability of Black Cubans to improve their lot.
