African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
221 p., Chronicling the period from the abolition of slavery in 1888 to the start of Brazil's military regime in 1964, Romo uncovers how the state's nonwhite majority moved from being a source of embarrassment to being a critical component of Bahia's identity.
Reiter,Bernd (Editor) and Mitchell,Gladys L. (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2010
Published:
Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
251 p., Tackles issues ranging from white privilege to black power, from government policy to popular advocacy, and from historical injustices to recent victories. Includes Gladys L. Mitchell's "Politicizing blackness : Afro-Brazilian color identification and candidate preference," Angela Figueiredo's "Out of place : the experience of the black middle class," Mónica Treviño González's "Opportunities and challenges for the Afro-Brazilian movement," Keisha-Khan Y. Perry's "Racialized history and urban politics : black women's wisdom in grassroots struggles," Sales Augusto dos Santos' "Black NGOs and 'conscious' rap : new agents of the antiracism struggle in Brazil," Fernando Conceição's "Power and black organizing in Brazil," and Renato Emerson dos Santos' "New social activism : university entry courses for black and poor students."
In Message from the Grassroots, perhaps his most powerful speech, Malcolm X reminded us that "you don't catch hell because you're a Methodist or Baptist, you don't catch hell because you're a Democrat or a Republican, you don't catch hell because you're a Mason or an Elk... You catch hell because you're a black man.... All of us catch hell for the same reason." Malcolm could just as easily have said that we don't catch hell because we're Haitian or African American. A white supremacist system sees us as Black people. Abner Louima was not tortured because he was Haitian, nor was Amadou Diallo gunned down by the police because he was from Guinea. The offending officers saw no difference. In their eyes they were inferior, scorned Black men. Malcolm saw Black unity/ solidarity as the counter and corrective of racism and white supremacy.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
48 p., Examines black history from 1968 until 2008, discussing race relations around the world, apartheid in South Africa, genocide in Rwanda, the assassination of Martin Luther King, affirmative action programs, Hurricane Katrina, artists and important figures of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Includes sections on "Black and British" and "Caribbean independence."
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
366 p, Contents: Original peoples -- The coming of Columbus -- The Northern European challenge to Spain -- The Africans : long night of enslavement -- The enslaved and the manumitted : Human strivings in savage surroundings -- The big fight back : Resistance, marronage, proto-states -- The big fight back : Suriname and Jamaica -- The big fight back : from rebellion to Haitian revolution -- Emancipation : help from Europe, final push from the enslaved -- After emancipation : obstacles and progress -- Immigration in the 19th and 20th centuries -- The Caribbean and Africa through the early 20th century -- The United States and the Caribbean to World War II -- Twentieth century to World War II : turbulent times -- World War II to century's end -- Prognosis.
Reviews Franklin W. Knight's The Caribbean: the Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism, Herbert S. Klein's The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies of the Atlantic Slave Trade, Gad J. Heuman's Between Black and White: Race, Politics and the Free Coloureds in Jamaica,1792-1865, Bridget Brereton, Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad, Ann M. Pescatello's edited book Old Roots in New Lands, Mary Noel Menezes' British Policy towards the Amerindians in British Guiana 1803-1873, Arnaud Marks and Rene Romer's edited book Family and Kinship in Middle America and the Caribbean, Gary Brana-Shute's On the Corner: Male Social Life in a Paramaribo Creole Neighbourhood, and George Beckford and Michael Witter's Small garden-- bitter weed : the political economy of struggle and change in Jamaica.
"Cuba has represented metaphorically the ability of an oppressed people to challenge imperialism and colonialism," Marable explained. "In the political imagination of Black America, Cuba represents the radical possibility of fundamental social change. One of the key questions now is -- what does Cuba represent for Black America in this period of political transition?"
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
365 p, Discussion of the experience of blackness and cultural difference, black political mobilization, and state responses to Afro-Latin activism throughout Latin America. Its thematic organization and holistic approach set it apart as the most comprehensive and up-to-date survey of these populations and the issues they face currently available.
"On questions of race, Brazil is enigmatic," [David Covin] says. "Brazil sees itself as a racial democracy, with opportunity for everyone. Yet the country portrays itself as white, and the bulk of the population of people of African descent is marginalized -- socially, politically and economically." Blacks are generally considered a majority of the Brazilian population, at least outside Brazil. The United Nations has estimated blacks make up as much as 73 percent of the population, compared to 12 percent in the United States. Brazil's official census, though, shows the black population at about 44 percent, a sign that Brazil's leadership and population place a premium on "whiteness," according to Covin.
