Dos Santos and Joaquim Barbosa Gomes, a constitutional law professor and lecturer at Columbia University, say racism is more easily detected in the United States than Brazil and is thus harder to combat. Affirmative action's advocates chide dos Santos Silva and other cautious Afro Brazilians, noting that blacks have been "feeling different" since an estimated 3.6 million slaves toiled throughout the country from 1532 to 1850. That estimate does not include the captured Africans who did not survive the brutal journey to Brazil by ship.
Since I have been thinking about Blacks in Brazil for years, I do know that racial identity is important and perceived differently there. For example, people who consider themselves Black or African American in the U.S. would not automatically be considered Black or African Brazilian in Brazil. People who have brown or lighter skin complexions in Brazil are mulattos, morenos, or some other non Black color category. Approximately half of Brazil's 150 million people are classified as mulatto or Black. "Pe na cozinha" means "foot in the kitchen" and "mulatinho" means "little mulatto." "Foot in the kitchen" refers to someone normally seen as white acknowledging his African ancestry because the kitchen is the kitchen of slavery in which Blacks served whites in all aspects of life.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
280 p., Compares the experiences of persons of African origin and descent in the towns of Baltimore and Sabara, Black Townsmen reconsiders their relationship to eighteenth-century urban environments in the Americas. Following Africans and their descendants through their struggle with slavery, manumission, and life in freedom, Dantas explains how these men and women's efforts and choices helped to define the trajectory of these two towns.
Portuguese and Spanish slavers supplied the Americas with "los Negros," the Blacks. Only those young and strong, impervious to European disease and able to withstand months of torturous living packed in the cruel quarters of slave shipholds survived the middle passage. Those who arrived, stunned and malnourished, lost in a foreign land, were easy prey to the slavers. Removed from a world that had nourished them, left to the mercy of those whose own lack of humanity prevented the recognition of theirs, they were utterly dependent and at the mercy of their captors. Vestiges of racism threaten to dismantle further progress in South America, as they do here. The prophecies of Willie Lynch, a slave owner who created a divisive plan to keep Blacks separate by fostering dissent among them, are coming true. Lynch outlined the differences in physical characteristics among the slaves-skin shade, hair texture, height, etc. By playing up these differences, Lynch promised, "The Black slave, after receiving this indoctrination, shall carry on and will become self-refueling and self-generating for hundreds of years, maybe thousands." Throughout North and South America, Lynch's plan lives on. Color lines rule, with the predominantly European strains remaining in power, and those of darker skin and crisper hair texture continue to be oppressed. It is a chilling reality that echoes down from the brutal suppression of the native peoples of Chiapas to the continued repression of Mexicans here and in their own country, to the harsh discrimination shown the Blacks of Brazil and America.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
369 p., Provides a history of Brazilian racial inequality from the abolition of slavery in 1888 up to the late 1980s, showing how economic, social and political changes in Brazil during the last 100 years have shaped race relations. By examining government policies, data on employment, mainstream and Afro-Brazilian newspapers, and a variety of other sources, Andrews traces pervasive discrimination against Afro-Brazilians over time. He draws his evidence from the country's most economically important state, Sao Paolo, showing how race relations were affected by its transformation from a plantation-based economy to South America's most urban, industrialized society.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
221 p., Chronicling the period from the abolition of slavery in 1888 to the start of Brazil's military regime in 1964, Romo uncovers how the state's nonwhite majority moved from being a source of embarrassment to being a critical component of Bahia's identity.
Reiter,Bernd (Editor) and Mitchell,Gladys L. (Editor)
Format:
Book, Edited
Publication Date:
2010
Published:
Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers
Location:
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
251 p., Tackles issues ranging from white privilege to black power, from government policy to popular advocacy, and from historical injustices to recent victories. Includes Gladys L. Mitchell's "Politicizing blackness : Afro-Brazilian color identification and candidate preference," Angela Figueiredo's "Out of place : the experience of the black middle class," Mónica Treviño González's "Opportunities and challenges for the Afro-Brazilian movement," Keisha-Khan Y. Perry's "Racialized history and urban politics : black women's wisdom in grassroots struggles," Sales Augusto dos Santos' "Black NGOs and 'conscious' rap : new agents of the antiracism struggle in Brazil," Fernando Conceição's "Power and black organizing in Brazil," and Renato Emerson dos Santos' "New social activism : university entry courses for black and poor students."
"On questions of race, Brazil is enigmatic," [David Covin] says. "Brazil sees itself as a racial democracy, with opportunity for everyone. Yet the country portrays itself as white, and the bulk of the population of people of African descent is marginalized -- socially, politically and economically." Blacks are generally considered a majority of the Brazilian population, at least outside Brazil. The United Nations has estimated blacks make up as much as 73 percent of the population, compared to 12 percent in the United States. Brazil's official census, though, shows the black population at about 44 percent, a sign that Brazil's leadership and population place a premium on "whiteness," according to Covin.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
292 p., Definitive information on the identity and status of the emancipados who were a special group of Africans in Brazil, Cuba and Latin America. The author establishes that the peculiar nature of the introduction of the emacipados into Brazil and America made them free Africans, both de jure and de facto, thereby setting them apart from freed Africans or slaves in Brazilian and Cuban societies. Emancipados held a much better status within these societies.
Studies of racial subordination in Brazil usually stress the puzzling co-existence of racial inequality with Brazil's self image as a racial democracy. Frequently, they identify the absence of racial conflict and a clear white black distinction as explanations for the low level of black political mobilization. In doing this, these studies unreflectedly take the United Sates as a universal model of racial subordination of which Brazilian difference is a mere variation.
