African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
304 p, Contents: pt. 1. Gender, work, and residence. Early-twentieth-century Caribbean women: migration and social networks in New York City / Irma Watkins-Owens ; Where New York's West Indians work / Suzanne Model ; West Indians and the residential landscape of New York / Kyle D. Crowder and Lucky M. Tedrow -- pt. 2. Transnational perspectives. Transnational social relations and the politics of national identity: an eastern Caribbean study / Linda Basch ; New York as a locality in a global family network / Karen Fog Olwig -- pt. 3. Race, ethnicity, and the second generation. "Black like who?" Afro-Caribbean immigrants, African Americans, and the politics of group identity / Reuel Rogers ; Growing up West Indian and African American: gender and class differences in the second generation / Mary C. Waters ; Experiencing success: structuring the perception of opportunities for West Indians / Vilna F. Bashi Bobb and Averil Y. Clarke ; Tweaking a monolith: the West Indian immigrant encounter with "Blackness" / Milton Vickerman ; Conclusion: Invisible no more? West Indian Americans in the social scientific imagination / Philip Kasinitz
The irony of the black man with his top off - such as almost any black music star you care to mention - is that it doesn't say to me: "Look at this wonderful black man with his six-pack." We were never wanted for our minds, which was why it was illegal to teach slaves to read. We were flesh, a commodity, labour. As today's black man shows off his pride and joy, the modern billboard becomes the equivalent of yesteryear's slave stocks. The tragedy with the flesh doesn't end there. Too many of us are impressed by a black fascism which fails to question the oppressive power structures of idealised family structures or the obsession with genes, blood and national pride.
It's clear that most Cubans living in South Florida were those who oppressed the working classes in Cuba, resulting in the class discrimination of white Cubans against Black Cubans. Many of the Cubans controlling South Florida today are heirs to the chicanery, corruption, organization of crime and prostitution, and money laundering practiced by the ruling class when they held power in Cuba. Before the revolution that put [Fidel Castro] in power, Cuba was one big resort, the preferred spot, for the U.S. mafia to spend their free time and take a little vacation. Let me make it clear to everyone that I'm not a communist person and I'm not a member of any communist political party whatsoever. I believe, as a citizen of the world and a conscious Black man, that I have the right to praise anyone that I choose. I have the right to say that the Blacks in power in Cuba would not want the racist Cuban dictators in South Florida to go to the island and contaminate their nonracial environment. When they were in power during the [Fulgencio Batista] regime, the situation for Black people was deplorable. And now, any Black from Cuba who sides with Castro is labeled as a "Communist" or a "traitor". South Florida needs to wake up and ring the bell of freedom in the face of dictatorship. South Florida needs to let the Cuban dictators ruling South Florida know that the practice of censorship is over. We know the problem of the Cubans in South Florida. The real problem is not truly Fidel Castro, but rather the living presence of Black people in power in Cuba and the rapidly growing Black population in Cuba. Today we are going to sing a new song; the title of this song would be "We Know Your Problem". We have recognized the problem for years and now is the time to sing that song.
Let me get something clear. I don't harbor any ill feelings toward the Cuban community. However, it is unequivocally clear that there is pattern we cannot ignore. Even though it would not be fair to condemn a whole community because of the criminal acts committed by a few of its members, the official Cuban leaders need to explain to the public why this widespread conspiracy is permitted within the ranks of the City of Miami Police department. According to various sources, the majorities of the officers indicted are Cuban or from Latin background and conspired to commit crimes against the Black community. My fellow Black American, the proletarian people who have been committed in the struggle to change the status of this racist system, let's not allow the September 11 attacks on our nation preoccupy our minds and distract us from what is going on in our own backyard. Don't let the horrifying events in New York and Washington silence our cry for justice in our community. We are waiving our U.S. flag as a symbol of justice and pride and we expect Black folks to join the crusade and help fight evil abroad. In the meantime, on our own soil, Black people in Overtown, North Miami, Liberty City, Little Haiti, are suffering frequent terrorist attacks from Cuban Police officers. As certainly as we allegedly concentrate on our dedicated fight against the evil in Afghanistan, we must also focus on getting rid of the outrageous psychological behavior displayed by our Cuban police force against the Black community patrolling our community.
The carnival image of racial harmony When Brazil became a democracy in 1988, the new constitution specified that they should be given land. But in practice, only a handful have. The local priest in Camburi, Father [Alexander Coelho], urges villagers to unite to demand land. He says that Brazil has a race problem which it is only starting to face up to. "Three hundred years of slavery, 300 hundred years of submission - it's hard to teach people to change that mindset," he says. "In Brazil, there was no discussion about race ... there was a pseudo-equality. When we started to talk about it, we were accused of bringing racism to Brazil," he argues.
African American Research Center, Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Notes:
177 p, Maryse Cond vividly evokes the relationships and events that gave her childhood meaning: discovering her parents' feelings of alienation; her first crush; a falling out with her best friend; the death of her beloved grandmother; her first encounter with racism; Translated from the French by Richard Philcox.
The term, "To run a boat," originated in the Caribbean. A group of boys or grown men would trump up whatever they had, little flour, bully beef, corn, cassava for bammy, salt pork, sugar, lime and water. Each person would bring one item and the firewood or stove would be lit. The resulting cornucopia would be most pleasing and satisfying, both to the palate and the gullet. The success would be measured by the hearty belches and the question, "So when we going to run the next boat?" Very much like the camel and its' hump. "Lord, Miss Gwen, de baby need to fatten up; mek sure him eat four bowl of porridge every day, plus two quart of milk, plus four boil eggs. Remember, a fat baby is a healthy baby." No function succeeds without plenty food, and in fact the measure of its status and success is the abundance of food that is served. Not even the dearly departed is spared. Nine days after a person dies, a wake or "nine night" is held. Just another excuse to wolf down the family's food. Other cultures burry the corpse within 24 hours, but not us, who choose to keep it until enough food can be bought to feed the ravaging hordes that are expecting to descend on the premises.
